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Sociology International Journal

Opinion Volume 4 Issue 2

Revolution of representativity in the legislative; the house of representatives

Francisco Tomás González Cabañas

Department of Filosofía, Centro de estudios Desiderio Sosa, Brazil

Correspondence: Francisco Tomás González Cabañas, Department of Filosofía, Centro de estudios Desiderio Sosa, Brazil

Received: February 28, 2020 | Published: March 12, 2020

Citation: Cabañas FTG. Revolution of representativity in the legislative; the house of representatives. Sociol Int J. 2020;4(2):49?51. DOI: 10.15406/sij.2020.04.00222

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Opinion

This is the theoretical proposal that we offer to each and every one of the representative democratic republics, so that through the establishment in the full legislative power of the third chamber (where there are two) that we will give in calling of Dipunadores.Unlike how the members of the traditional or classical parliaments are chosen, and how the representatives of the executives are chosen, the Dipunadores will be chosen by the legislative assembly, or the sum of deputies and senators.To do this, a citizen registration must be created, where as an exclusionary condition, they must show no link of consanguinity, or labor, with any of the members of the cameras that will choose this. Also as a final condition and sine quanon, the members of the third legislative chamber should not be affiliated with any political party that is part of the classic or traditional political system. Once the registration has been made, the process will be conducted by the classic legislative assembly or conformed for it (sum of deputies and senators) and after the review of these impediments, a draw will be made (the system will be adopted at the discretion of each Assembly) To choose the Dipunadores that will be in total, the sum of deputies and senators. In this third legislative chamber, the commissions or areas of work will be composed of each and every jurisdiction in which the districts are divided politically, that is to say that the Dipunadores of a given country will legislate in the commissions in which they are divided in province , Regions or municipalities.The primary legislative function, ie as a gateway to or initiation of the different parliamentary initiatives, will be linked to the realization of democracy as such. All projects that they propose, promote the establishment of a more direct, more real, more binding democracy between representatives and represented, more inclusive, more participatory and more transparent, will be articulated through the Dipunadores. As a control chamber, it will be the last to control and determine the imposition of political "ostracism", supplanting political judgment, for each and every member of the legislative, executive and judicial powers. The ostracism, as it worked in Ancient Greece, will also provide for the removal of the official to his tasks, the invitation to exile or forced exile as a manifest penalty against what is considered (a bad political procedure) betrayal of the country. Some minor considerations before the illustrative example and the subsequent grounds.The Dipunadores, cannot be reelected for any period, in its global formation will tend to an equality in gender and age groups and will last in their positions more than a deputy and less than a senator or equal time as these.

Verbigracia: Province X, has a legislative chamber of fifteen senators and thirty deputies. You must choose forty-five Dipunadores. These will divide their legislative activity in the number of municipalities in which the province is divided in this case, seventy. A period of forty-five days will be opened, the same amount of Dipunadores, translated in days, so that the citizenship registers in the register opened for such purposes, will be established, that can be done via digital, being generated after cessation of time Of registration, the Legislative Assembly, or sum of Deputies and Senators who will refine registration, by excluding those who are affiliated, adhered to any political party (or who have less than one year of resigned or separated from them) and have ties Of direct familiarity with members of the legislative power who will elect them. This assembly, once this debugging has been carried out, may make a pre-selection that contemplates that according to the total number of members to choose, both men, women and age groups in which the general population of the district in question is subdivided. In this case, 23 female officers and 22 men could be elected, of whom 10 could be between 30 and 40 years, 10 between 40 and 50, 10 between 60 and 70, 7 with more than 70 and Remaining under 30 and over 18. As this imaginary district is in turn subdivided into seventy municipalities, such will be the number of commissions in which these legislators work. It will last five years, an average of four of the deputies and six of the senators and will have as its main legislative function to legislate to promote a more direct, more real, more participatory democracy, establishing public hearings, citizen banks, plebiscites, systems Of participation and will be transformed into the sphere of control of both the legislative power and the other powers of the state, imposing as a novelty the impersonation of the removal or political trial, by the system of ostracism that penalizes the representative offender in addition to the disgrace penalty Of the out of his district or invitation to the exile.

Without it being a gnoseological question, political philosophy, social contractism, parliamentarism, politics in and of itself have been constituted in the protective shield, to sustain, arguably, a state of things, that under the request of principles of the institutionality, Obligatorily refers us to dogmatic positions, which traces them or places them as indisputable. Yes we think even the nomenclature of the Senators, dragged for years, without intending to revise it in its semantics, for this symbolization in extremis, for this totemization in which we have transformed or have been doing to our political system, A sort of sanctum.

It is clear that the pretension is not to make or discuss science, starting from the premise that political philosophy, from a time to this part, is not discussing, nothing or almost nothing, that establishes radical considerations that propose a state of Things, (discussing the same notion of state within them) that differs, at least discursively, from an inertia in which one might say that we are subject, from the first books of political considerations as we know it. In contrast, what happens, for example, with another field, extensive of the philosophical, as the ontological, where the perspectives, not only that they have been and are, unfathomable diversities, but also challenge, the confrontation of The metaphysical experience, from the end to the tail of the human phenomenon. It is understood that they can claim that this consideration can be classified as logomaquia or sinful for academic insubstantiality, however, the record of the facts of our current Western democracies impels us to think, using political philosophy for this, rather than as Consider, this is an oxymoron. If we speak of legitimacy, we must not only differentiate it from legality, but also establish a meridian difference between partial legitimacy versus absolute legitimacy, the first that is valid and the only reasonably true that citizens can grant their constituents and The second, which he believes to be represented when he absorbs the cession of citizenship, and then commits the robbery by all known, that supposedly, controls or controls, these excesses, another power of a constituted state that would be the judiciary, whose members Are not chosen, paradigmatically by the vote of the people. This reason of partial legitimacy could be found explicitly observed in that the citizen, by delegating his representativeness, does so not only by the term from one election to another, but also by conceptual axes that go beyond the temporal. A concrete example would be that the classical representatives of the legislative power could close the circle of representation, choosing, by lot, as in ancient Greece and its notion by chance that all citizens had the possibility of being part of the government, A coat of arms, a chamber of representatives, which, as we put it, has as an exclusionary condition not to be part of the traditional political parties which, as is common knowledge, are part of the problem, rather than the solution of flagrances or absences Which gives us democracy in our contemporary Westernity. The greatest legal right of any citizen before a collective right is that he be guaranteed a life in democracy, and when this does not happen, the same citizen must exhaust the instances to carry out this claim in all offices and before all judicial instances. It could not be objected before this, methodological questions or of fueros, justice as such, must preserve and enforce the democratic precept by antonomasia, that the candidates of the different parties are elected by popular vote, are only of the members of the respective Parties or of these and the independents.

Unlike what could be an article in the academic field, or in the grounds to support parliamentary projects, we do not think it necessary to cite the thousand and one authors that we could clearly say something that serves as conceptual or intellectual reference. It would be a nonsense, since we believe that no one, who is reasonably quoted, acts in the juridical, philosophical or intellectual sphere in general, would be of disagreement, with which democracy is first, then the parties and finally the candidates presented for Represent citizens, who grant or surrender their political rights by voting or suffrage, this chain or circle that is taught to any child in the early days of social science or civic education, is basically what democratic, Its essence and its reason for being.

It would be easier for us to find authors who support democratic political systems in the forms, but not in the facts, that can hold that the most determining are structures or pillars that are called parties and that no matter how their candidates choose, of these structures is born or democratic. To carry out an argument in this sense would be, in the colloquial metaphor, to put the cart in front of the horse, and no person with common sense or respecting the principle of non-contradiction could defend that there are districts in a representative democracy where their valid parties Do not choose their candidates by vote of the sovereign.

The general idea that citizenship is not, because it does not want to, does not leave it, does not allow it, in politics, although it can be called uncontrollable, it is an urban myth, a sort of modern legend that Delegitimizes with its presence only, that deepens in the first drizzle in which fall from the sky any kind of pillage, or situation unclear, by the class, caste or political elite, against or against citizenship In general, almost always linked to acts of corruption or little transparency. This is one of the reasons, for which the Dipunadores will also have the general role of comptroller, with the novelty of reinstituting the concept of ostracism to the non-compliant officials with their public mandates of all the powers of the state, for the purposes of That citizens clearly perceive, what and how it is with those who have swiped and defrauded their trust.

Democracy, however, can only be understood in terms expressed as desire, defended as a matter of faith and sacralized in its versatility that it assimilates everything in so far as it rejects it. Reference and difference, uniqueness and multiplicity, the inversion of the methodological from the general to the particular and each and every one of the axioms, as well as the reasons grounded as unfounded that they want to propose, will fall surrendered to the desiderative notion of the democratic.

Democracy is expectation. Democracy cannot be fully realized, since in that case it would automatically transform itself into a totalitarian absolutism. In our modernity, the subject of democracy, is the individual. This is the case since the composition of social contracts, which unified each and every one of the expectations of the subscribers (expressing the philosophical essence, saluting the aporia of the one and the multiple) in a greater will or state, through a representation, Administers or exercises that power that has been previously bequeathed.Extending and more then, renewing the expectations, from time to time, calling to suffrage, to elections, each and every one of the contractors, so that they choose to whom they represent it in the administration of that transfer of civic and political rights.

Democracy must be based, or founded, on the statistical condition in which the individual is circumscribed.That is, assuming reality to build the expectation that is its reason for being. Otherwise, in case of continuing, generating expectations before the mere convening of elections, to renew representatives, the legitimacy of the system will always be at risk, and some time, a group of men may consider the return to some kind of absolutism.

The subjection of the democratic to the condition in which a certain number of men submerged, will guarantee that the expectation that by natural rule is its reason for being, is not always an abstraction, but is subject to a result, to a certain Achievement, concrete and specific. Hence the specific role of the Dipunadores is not to revolutionize the representative system, the democratic itself or the party system, but to start working on it.

Up to now and as we have been detailing, the circumstances have been generated for (freedom of expression, a certain extension of opportunities, valorization of aspects to be improved) to build a modern democracy, we believe this tool that is orbiting our political system, with this New chamber or with this new representation, so that the Dipunadores along with the rest of the politicians and their links with the citizens and the population who in different parts of the West offer us different perfectible forms of the democratic, as at present we could Understand the concept.

Acknowledgments

None.

Conflicts of interest

The authors declare no conflicts of interest.

References

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