Colonial forms and birth of capitalism: north/south duality

Mauritius is a country settlement at the confluence of maritime and colonial rule areas that saw be the last French and English empires in the 19th and 20th centuries. At the time of divorce more or less completed the metropolis with their empire, a liberal strategy to industrial production the essential basis for the expansion and form a metropolitan decentralization ¹ it is useful to revisit some analysis of the colonization of years immediately after the war. They have, indeed, not sufficiently emphasized the expansionary and permanence of forms of legal and financial integrations, who founded the colonial form of capitalist expansion by market protection. These legal and financial forms still based today the globalization of economies which States and societies face everywhere on the planet. If we're not the era of empires, we arrived at a completed stage of capitalist expansion. This difference of degree is to be understood as it is decisive changes in mechanisms that operate on societies and challenge the traditional role of the state. The privileged place of economic growth now lies in a potential space more virtual than real, where information, traffic speed and money markets operate. Thus, appeared new intermediate accumulation areas, off-shore markets. Economies of scale, the benefits of comparative costs are not the only factors anticipation of capital gains potential. Conquer his place in the race for development entails having continuously high investment capacity or to be credited by financial institutions to obtain. In this international context of settlements, such as Mauritius, find their center of gravity based on the exchange North-South and South-South where information, traffic speed and money markets operate. Thus, appeared new intermediate accumulation areas, off-shore markets. Economies of scale, the benefits of comparative costs are not the only factors anticipation of capital gains potential. Conquer his place in the race for development entails having continuously high investment capacity or to be credited by financial institutions to obtain. In this international context of settlements, such as Mauritius, find their center of gravity based on the exchange North-South and South-South where information, traffic speed and money markets operate. Thus, appeared new intermediate accumulation areas, off-shore markets. Economies of scale, the benefits of comparative costs are not the only factors anticipation of capital gains potential. Conquer his place in the race for development entails having continuously high investment capacity or to be credited by financial institutions to obtain. In this international context of settlements, such as Mauritius, find their center of gravity based on the exchange North-South and South-South the benefits of comparative costs are not the only factors anticipation of capital gains potential. Conquer his place in the race for development entails having continuously high investment capacity or to be credited by financial institutions to obtain. In this international context of settlements, such as Mauritius, find their center of gravity based on the exchange North-South and South-South the benefits of comparative costs are not the only factors anticipation of capital gains potential. Conquer his place in the race for development entails having continuously high investment capacity or to be credited by financial institutions to obtain. In this international context of settlements, such as Mauritius, find their center of gravity based on the exchange North-South and South-South,² They had the time of incomplete closure of colonial markets before Madagascar became a French colony. Mauritius is now part of the new peripheries again become the crossroads of the nerve centers, functional spaces envied to enroll in globalization. They now benefit from the tripartite division of the international economic space, observable in trade, investment as production networks.²

I will present in the first part, the passage of the French colony to the British colony in terms of the birth and development of capitalism in the Western Indian Ocean. Both forms of colonization through which Mauritius marked the end of the period of empires. They are considered here as two particular times, unfinished of capitalist development in the world by the legal and financial rulers who established one by the other and through the other. In the second part I will discuss the actual place taken by the sugar economy in Mauritius and its industrialization. I will insist on the necessary geographical expansion of the Mauritian capitalism. For it is by re-affirming its historic dual membership in the East and the West³ that Mauritius is betting its success during the second phase of development of free zones by developing a high-tech textiles such as IT to fully enter in the course of developed nations.

I conclude by noting that the "spirit of capitalism" mentioned in a book long famous Max Weber about Protestantism is no longer the sole fact of an ideology integrating individual values ​​of Christian salvation of Western countries . This finding is not surprising, since the exact translation of what the opening of Asian markets implies the emergence of other ideologies covered equally universal, came from Asian countries, where it is claimed that the underlying moral principle in development through the exchange lies in collective solidarity found in networks and the limits to their reproduction. The references of these ideologies - the individual to the west, the social group - caste and / or origin, - for they are oriented on equal chances of winning the battle of globalization? The answer is not simple since committed to a reflection ratio of local to global, on the particular field of our investigations.

Birth of capitalism: the period of the empires that of colonization

From the perspective of the long history of the beginnings of Mauritius is a global sugar trade history and before the letter. It coincided with the need for France, heavily burdened import duties on sugar came from Brazil that gave himself Portugal, to take a greater role in world trade. Many companies were then based on the system of "exclusive" under Colbert. They marked this turning point that took France by establishing colonial affairs as a place and an organizing framework of privileged merchants, financial and industrial with the State of the reference model was that of the creation of the first company Dutch Indies. The East India Company who settled on the islands' Mascarene⁴"Was already a" mixed form "of commercial and colonial expansion, where the mutual debts of the company's shareholders and the king played a key role in investment decisions to be taken for the benefit of trade business in the long term, to military expeditions in periods of conflict and for shipments from India. But the road was long and fraught with pitfalls for those who were involved in this nascent capitalism, expansionist by nature. The failures of colonial enterprises, bankruptcies were the common fate shared by many seafaring adventurers come to some settled in the islands from far. From there was born the craziest colonial projects. This was usually found Jabob Guy³ when he spoke of the myth of Madagascar eldorado that feeds performances in printed sources of various generations - for some - debouched on real delusional fabrications -. He cited in this regard the stories of two representatives of the "East India Company" who visited the bays of St Augustine in 1643 and 1646.⁵ This Malagasy mirage varied thematic content, was partially used for a direct settlement in Madagascar by Reunion and Mauritian Creole community in the late 19th century. The world traders, associated with so-called native "Creoles" of the islands, was actively involved throughout the 18th and 19th centuries to a symbolization of the world ordered by the cities and controlled by them. This mythology has helped define the issues more competitors colonial marine and continental the 18th until the 19th centuries, which will arise over time the development of plantation economies. The global vision of the world is so close, but capitalist expansion will have no other limit than competing imperialisms that will transform the colonial lobby colonization whose effect protection and market differentiation. The "Mascarene" become competitors - The Bourbon becoming Reunion Island and France becoming Mauritius - will no longer be a capital of the French establishments of the Indian Ocean.⁴ This empires divide was analyzed by Toussaint⁵ through the route of a merchant Jean-Baptiste Pipon, to be known royal periods of revolution and empire and the early settlement British. The end of the ambitions of the great trade of the 18th century is to be seen and understood, particularly acute, plays when the effective abolition of trafficking and organized compensation for slave owners to the Isle of France, become since 1810 in Mauritius. A new company is born of the changes introduced in the new British colony, financial changes through the process of compensation, business changes by closing Port Louis once open to free trade and the use of labor contractual "indentured Laborers" on plantations replacing slaves?

Colonialism: the new reports trading-planting

Social changes have covered all aspects of the economic and political life of the country: the production, trade and legal and political relations within society. They developed during the period of transition from French to English colonization colonization that were described by André Moor⁶ so passionate because it was contemporary and deeply involved in the events he described (DBM 1948 . 675-676).⁶ The author - who was interested in that white world mulatto party, but has ignored the differences in color and the reality of slavery - evoked the early English colonization under Governor Farquhar as having been that of a truly established consensus⁷ among the notables of the colony and the colonial government that he represented.

This consensus has been that time he has transformed As for the appearance of social inequalities that are made daily on the occasion of the distribution of compensation for slave owners. Andrew Moor described the development of social and legal practices surrounding the distribution of compensation for slave owners.⁸ It comes with severe behavioral description, which staged abusive procedural practice he called "chicanery" of which resulted the emergence of new inequalities. Returning point by point the author of the analysis, the capacity is grasped domination of a financial system when the principles that have been in effect change from one era to another. Because he has absorbed the permanent debt mechanism of the colony at the time of exchange to that by which was carried out the distribution of compensation in the procedures adopted, those same people who caused the same fortunes reverse effects that bills of exchange and currency yesterday. What André Moor said in essence is that outside of a legal and moral existence,⁹make a fortune in the colony. The bitterness of the author was further strengthened when he compared the generosity notable yesterday about the 1816 cyclone that participated through donations to rebuild the White City of Port Louis, almost completely destroyed. In 1833, when was organized compensation, the intermediate gain of bitterness prevailed. Finally, the compensation granted by the colonial government circulated as a currency, through acts under private seings passing from hand to hand, houses, land and colony arm (97). Andrew Moor conclude by stating that in matters of finance, who were instructed to regulate and direct the administration had to have the concern to maintain the balance between the representative sign (money) and the object shown (land).

This fundamental criticism was accompanied by general considerations concerning the termination behavior of certain subjects about the troubled events that accompanied the mission of John Jeremy, the "London Missionary", came to Mauritius to defend the anti-slavery cause. This comparison of the company yesterday at the time of the Isle of France, less prone to "baffle"¹⁰ than 1833 years now since the Treaty of Paris in 1814, Mauritius has led the author to evoke the nostalgic memory of the Knights of Industry¹¹ of the French era, citizens and defenders of the colonial cause. Andrew Moor did then praised institutions like the colonial assembly, the municipality and described in some detail the ruling class represented in the colonial assembly, composed of the main landowners called "Hoops out of hosts, and almost all decorated royalists "(84) and traders and men of laws, from the bourgeoisie of the cities of the Atlantic and the Mediterranean which he extolled the nobility, integrity of morals and dedication to the general interests (49) . The author then opposite time of early settlement of 1816 to its successor to the 1833 events following the abolition of slavery measures. These have seen the development of "baffle" whereas before true solidarity manifested itself between residents of the colony. Such criticism could only emanate from a direct witness of the time of the passage from slavery to indentured where the use of contract workers on alternative plantation of former slaves opened a new general mode of relationship public/private in which all the actors of the settlement, notable former emancipated slaves, free of color, workers and artisans and coolies engaged for five years working in the plantations are supposed to be equal.

The external financial dependence

The systematic criticism made in this book, with the evocation of game procedures that have multiplied has the merit of emphasizing the new economic social order¹²in the making. The author has stigmatized the changing nature of the company involved. Besides the "chicane" might take the place of legitimation system, it showed that the abolition of slavery by compensating slave owners was a wonderful indirect colonial administration tool on a legal mode and financier who has made the fortune of each defeated the other. He thus stressed the indirect mode of administration of the colonial power that was set up. He also showed that the compensation made possible a takeoff of the sugar plantation that was done for the families who were developing. Clearing the world of traders was all the more effective and faster than Port Louis was closed to free trade. Since then, the merchant function was greatly reduced to that of an actor caught in a new division of labor where the stakes of the plantation became decisive. At that time, the natives of the white community colony became British subjects, were no longer treated in the same way as before to businessmen, the "empire builders" it looks today hui of "captains of industry". This position was to be conquered through now tied economic success to the sugar development in the context of colonial rule, instituted financial and legal. Native of the white community colony became British subjects, were no longer treated in the same way as before to businessmen, the "empire builders", today they look like "captains industry. "This position was to be conquered through now tied economic success to the sugar development in the context of colonial rule, instituted financial and legal. Native of the white community colony became British subjects, were no longer treated in the same way as before to businessmen, the "empire builders", today they look like "captains industry. " This position was to be conquered through now tied economic success to the sugar development in the context of colonial rule, instituted financial and legal.

The British administration by acting mainly on the field of the economy, financial and legal institutions implemented paved the way for the installation of large houses of English trade and the concomitant development of the sugar. Andrew Moor described the process of permanent indebtedness of residents of the colony by the monetary mechanism was originally from previous financial crises. He referred indirectly the global logic of financial domination by a trading company which turned into plantation economy and presented the external dependence of the colony towards the new metropolis as a direct result of the cash economy . He criticized all these fools enough people to exchange their homes, andrew Moor also recalled with nostalgia, the existence of a world of values ​​collapsed, the speech committed and holding of personal connection validated in transactions, in clubs, masonry francs. All this universe was presented as riddled with "baffle" by which have operated all forms of theft. It compared them to the wear of time past as one and the other invisible and therefore not objectionable. This unique recognition of the invisibility of the dominance of a body of jurists referring to the state designated the importance of institutional intermediation games that are implemented when developed the sugar plantation which became industrialized in the late 19th century. This was the era of the insurance development, the dominance of banks, changing the function of financial institutions in trading companies for the production advances, investments and concentrations necessary to increase Surcharge by economies of scale and for improved productivity. The activity of trading houses sest complex. They were intrinsically linked to planting and dependent on external markets.

¹²He analyzed the function of money through the role of the trading house "Blyth brothers" in the process of compensation, Maurice Patureau reported in this work, the reputation for integrity of this trading house, through the colony for the payment of compensation for slave owners, which intervened indirectly on the moralization of trade of which she was one of the best examples: the adopted compensation procedure presupposed, indeed, registering on the records of the number of slaves for each owner. The author also noted the effects of compensation on the price of sugar. The company moralization of the economy has affected both adverse and beneficial and has been the foundation of the new rationality educated in business.

The sugar economy mauritian in globalization: ideological changesa

By choosing to analyze the contents of the writings of Andrew Moor, the era of witness referred to by one of the most assertive historians of his generation, Auguste Toussaint^13,8 I wanted to get out of the flat presentation of white society, too often caricatured as if it had been no internal differentiation other than racial differences related to the operating system that prevailed at the time French colonization. This white society was differentiated, oh how! It is useful to remember. Andrew Moor has reported internal turmoil that white society when taking control of the economy by the English colony, after governments Farqhuar¹⁴ When Governor William Nicolay implemented the compensation policy. It reported some of the existing inequalities in the white world while ignoring the internal differences of the black world, even more complex than have been those that have characterized the white society. In particular, it has not discussed the consequences of the abolition of slavery for black and mestizo world. Fairly well understood, however, the content of the reports related to the quality of notable of his era (1769-1842), it was recognized that the merchants of the city of Port Louis who most often forged relations marriage with those of the planters from the right company, the former cadets of noble families of Brittany, Normandy and the South West of France.¹⁵ This term connotes recognition of an essential difference between the newcomers administration, business houses and contractors English with the natives of the colony of French origin, and bound by the "oath of allegiance" to the British crown. Simultaneously, the term "creol of Mauritius" also meant the consideration by the British administration of the process of empowerment of local society in its unfinished form on the existence of a class of people raised to the rank of notable compared to others. The white world was thus characterized by this essential difference between leaders and some residents of the colony. This is the meaning of the testimony of Andrew Moor who described a change in the composition of the ruling class.

The end of the era of the merchants or their conversion was analyzed by Auguste Toussaint in his book "The mirage islands" (1967). After reading this text, we understand how and why only a very limited number of Mauritian families - dozens¹⁶ in my estimation and those of my most authoritative informants - still rely in the sugar world today. As John the Baptist Pipon, cited by Toussaint merchant in the 18th century became a planter in the early 19th century as his heirs, these families are themselves associated with foreign capital and were helped by local financial institutions to provide financial groups the more important today. A very small number of sugar companies are still predominantly run by the same family. The reconstruction made companies conducted by Pipon described by Auguste Toussaint is exemplary in that it pushes through analysis performed general accumulation process including the distribution of inheritance, through the family, led to the final concentration and diversification of the sugar capital. This retrospective of Toussaint clearly shows the importance of external financial flows in the sugar development. The transformation mechanism of a sugar economy in a global economy is so well highlighted in the final chapter entitled "Post Mortem": Nothing is shown but is told what to know and understand the training financial and industrial capitalism where the land issue, after determining sugar inception, has almost disappeared in the early 20th century in favor of a shareholder based on the supremacy of the majority owner and collegiality shareholders priority, to reappear today in the issues of tourism development.¹⁷ This biography of merchant contemporary Andrew Moor, is instructive because it crosses governments, royal, the Revolution and the French Empire and it leads to British colonization, continuing a reflection on the Mauritian capitalism 'today¹⁸ characterized by the existence of large business groups including the sugar industry in their diverse activities.

Restore this part of the unwritten story captures the financial content of the dependence of the sugar industry with respect to the outside. It must be extended by highlighting the emergence of a domestic capital⁹ and local private sector in the development of the country. The history of the mills, concentration, training of family-oriented stock companies and limited liability companies reveals capitalization trial. They were slow, sometimes anecdotal. We can not take the true measure after including the articulation of financial institutions and the role of the state in the emergence of these jewels of the national economy that were FUEL and Beau fields to the east of island that was Bel Ombre west.

The emergence of a mixed economy: The liberal model on borrowed time

Shaped to debut by the liberal ideology, the British colonial administration intervened after the first bankruptcy in 1848 after the fall of the British currency precipitated number of English business houses in bankruptcy. This is what we discover after a quick installation exercise of a series of three paintings acquisitions of sugar estates across the island distinguishing

1. the institutions
2. private actors
3. companies and trading houses in terms of changing dates.

For this, I used the history of the sugar plantations of Mauritius Guy Rouillard (1964-1979) which presents an inventory of deeds mills and their concentrations in contemporary societies. The main analytical evidence from the performed correlations attest to the disappearance of the oldest families of dealers, from towns large trading Nantes, Lorient, Bordeaux.¹⁹ The interaction of relations between private owners selling their assets Mauritian companies or firms shows very rapid land sway of English trading houses until about 1848, when the crisis of the British Pound.^1,20 These trading houses had branches in Madras, Pondicherry and London and were in very close relations with the colonial government. So has he been in the trading house "Arbutnot & Hunter", which went bankrupt, however, realizing the capital of most of its land holdings between 1848-1850. On the occasion of these changes, there is the special relationship of this house with some colleagues as "Chalmers & Guthrie", "Chapman & Barclays" as well as some banks as "Oriental Bank" and "Ceylon Company²¹". Finally, institutional²²have appeared on the local property market from 1843. The differential strategies of investment banks are very obvious. They distinguished the speculative practices, financial support practices to homeowners to harvest advances, or for a capital increase of sugar companies concentration pathway. Some institutions have been instrumental in the end the concentration trial 19th and early 20th centuries: So in he was the "Oriental Bank" which preferentially sold its holdings in "The Mauritius Estates & Assets Co Ltd. "between 1885 and 1891. Roland Lamusse¹⁰ described the financial crisis of 1848, related to the fact that the English trading houses were advances for cutting, which resulted in the bankruptcy of the "Commercial Bank of Mauritius" (MBC). Then he saw a succession era of domination of the banks in 1864, "Oriental Bank", "Credit Foncier" "Mauritius Land Credit Agency". The same author has analyzed the influence of exchange rates on local investments.^10,23 One can conclude from this rapid overview of the land and financial practices and currency fluctuations, whether it is private or public, for commercial and / or financial companies, according to the expanded mode of development of local capital, whether or not made through banks. but invisible operative Actors sugar concentrations, financial institutions that determined yesterday instead of the sugar market in the development, still operate at industrial diversification and restructuring of local and national capital. For if we follow closely the interrelationships made from three tables made changes²⁴- by institutions, by private actors, by trading companies - one notes that it is the sugar companies English capital "Highlands", "Britannia" and "Beautiful Rose" that evolved faster than others toward a more complete form of international capitalism. Even today, the equity of these companies met in the "Lonroe" after being bought by the South African company "Illovo" were sold to a private consortium to which the state contributes about 35%. The successive chains that carried private assets of the old house "Adam and Pipon Bell" to incorporate the "IBL consortium"²⁵ Consisting of English private equity today entirely Mauritian since the sale of the assets of "Blyth Brothers", who transformed the assets of the house "Arbutnot and Hunter" through banks in an English private equity company "Lonroe" can no longer conceive the Mauritian economy as characteristic of a liberal model leaning on conquering markets, advances in maritime navigation of the East India Company, and the sugar industrialization.

Ideological changes from yesterday to today

The period of the foundation of empires, trade triangulation with the opening of the Asian axis, through the structuring of colonial markets, one can only note that the enlarged accumulation of capitalist²⁶ was played in Mauritius, on a mode of quantitative / qualitative change and through financial intermediation games in each period of crisis. In this context, the reports of the state in society during the transition from slavery to indentured labor at the time of Independence, were primarily intended to maintain the great social and productive balance. The administration has been the place of registration of these major balances given in the census categories to represent them officially. They have varied over time.¹¹ But the immutable and stable category since 1847 "general population", pointing to the white world and people of color assimilated by the fact of their common membership in the Catholic religion, were the supports of a duality of the Mauritian social organization and mingling between the two forms of colonization, French and English. The two ideologies - racial and ethnic - which were built in the colonial era no longer have the same social effectiveness against the recent inflection of the role of the state in production. The latter, having acquired the assets of the South African company "Illovo" intervened directly on production. The planned projects Hightec sector development under the government of the 2010s, land fragmentation The two ideologies - racial and ethnic - which were built in the colonial era no longer have the same social effectiveness against the recent inflection of the role of the state in production. The latter, having acquired the assets of the South African company "Illovo" intervened directly on production. The planned projects Hightec sector development under the government of the 2010s, land fragmentation The two ideologies - racial and ethnic - which were built in the colonial era no longer have the same social effectiveness against the recent inflection of the role of the state in production. The latter, having acquired the assets of the South African company "Illovo" intervened directly on production. The planned projects Hightec sector development under the government of the 2010s, land fragmentation²⁷ old sugar companies "Highland" and "Britannia" and "My desert / My Treasure" at the same time reflect the new relationship of social interaction between cooperatives of small and large planters, financial companies of sugar workers, companies large private planters. These new prospects for development were addressed to more categories of people linked by preferential community reports. It is therefore not surprising that tensions in society, which has too often characterized as racial and ethnic conflicts were a sign of a more general malaise referring to a mismatch increasingly strong existing between institutional operation and the interplay of social legitimacy. A double consciousness movement is in fact at work since the 2010s: They were within an ideology of Creole without borders - caste, class or ethnically who seemed to resurface after being experienced long, at the time of the incomplete closure of colonial markets between 1810-1814, until finally Madagascar becomes a French colony. This ideology of a greater social openness coincides with the development of religious interculturalism practices observable in popular Christian cults like those of Father Laval and Indian popular cults in Kalimaïs that turn into temples (Ramhota) class or ethnically who seemed to resurface after being experienced long at the time of the incomplete closure of colonial markets between 1810-1814, until finally Madagascar becomes a French colony. This ideology of a greater social openness coincides with the development of religious interculturalism practices observable in popular Christian cults like those of Father Laval and Indian popular cults in Kalimaïs that turn into temples (Ramhota) class or ethnically who seemed to resurface after being experienced long at the time of the incomplete closure of colonial markets between 1810-1814, until finally Madagascar becomes a French colony. This ideology of a greater social openness coincides with the development of religious interculturalism practices observable in popular Christian cults like those of Father Laval and Indian popular cults in Kalimaïs that turn into temples (Ramhota).²⁸ A stronger national integration feeling its way in the news events of 1999, S. Chazan-Gillig,^11‒15,29. I always thought that the popular echo gave these 1999 events were not unrelated to the withdrawal of foreign capital formerly associated in the sugar estates of Highland, Britannia, the Lonroe. Finally, to fully enter into the court of the developed countries, Mauritius does not she end up in the origins of its settlement positioning that places at the interface of Asian and Western countries. Between an ideology based on the assimilation linked to the French colonization period and the weakening of the original differences but stabilized in the English era, Métis logic could they not assert themselves in the future as the can place a greater national integration. The words "Creole discomfort" would, in this case, the sign of a profound change in society and already there ahead of the emergence of a new social contract necessary in the future globalization. In this case, the constitutional category which raises the most of the old colonial model like that of "general population" should logically be reviewed to better fit the constitutional game to societal changes.

Globalization We can not talk without using the teaching of the past, which reminds us of the origins of capitalist development and its differential forms.

¹Jacques Marseille, French colonial empire and capitalism: History of a divorce, Paris, Albin Michel, coll. Points 1984.

²Europe and Asia.

³See Settlement of Mauritius.

⁴The three islands of Reunion, Mauritius and Rodrigues form an archipelago because of their history and geology common: They were colonized in the 17th century by France and England. From 1814, the former Bourbon becomes Reunion Island and belongs to France as Madagascar while Mauritius is English and Rodrigues.

⁵Walter Hammond and Richard Boothby

⁶The Biography Dictionary of Mauritian, presents the biography of Andrew Moor, arrived as a clerk trader. He was a stockbroker in the colony under General Decaen, a post he retained in early English colonization under Governor Farquhar, who appointed him in the organized committee for the reconstruction of Port-Louis after the 1816 cyclone. There after he "committed in the colonial committee alongside Adrien d'Epinay." Opposed to the group of D'Epinay, he was a supporter of the anti-slavery cause defended by John Jeremy. He was a founder of the newspaper "La Balance" in opposition to "Cernéen". All these details help to understand the class nature of the social division of the white world he described, in which he participated and which he testified in his book.

⁷Governor Farquhar was himself a planter and its position with respect to measures of abolition of trafficking is still very controversial by the specialists of this historical period.

⁸Were slaveholders residents of the white community but also all the "free color," the former "slaves emancipated." Indeed, the slave was a work force employed in plantations, in urban and rural domestic life. The slave was a rented property for everyone, white, black or mestizo, a producer of commodity-monetary resources, especially in town.

⁹This is the right word: anticipation calculation of the risk taken in monetary terms.

¹⁰It has some enlightening pages on this baffle reflecting the litigious atmosphere of the time. The style of Andrew Moor varies and we see, sometimes baffle placed in object of analysis, sometimes likened to a subject of great importance-player character in social life. His tone becomes truly controversy. Auguste Toussaint, which is much referred to this book when he wrote "mirage islands" and the monograph of John the Baptist Pipon, who was a contemporary a bit older André Moor, spoke pamphlet s 'agreed on the general analysis of the end of the era of merchants that we witnessed in 1833, but it has evacuated the controversial content of the remarks made. I have not erased it polemicist content as it informs the nature of the dominance exerted indirectly.

¹¹Note that preferred the name "swindler" to that of "empire builder" or of "industry baron" in the precise sense that these terms indicate: that is to say, prevalence of the former statutory differences in the royal government that preceded the revolution on new differentiations. We recognize, in the author's lines, the existence of a clear preference of social distinctions from the army, he said hierarchical differences, speaking of the Sans Culottes, all NCOs and privates by the differences awards related to the nobility.

¹³Auguste Toussaint was Director of the Mauritius Archives Department. This was one of the island's most productive historians Maurice. This author has not only an impressive list of written the most authoritative and most cities, but it also contributed to the implementation of an almost exhaustive bibliographic directory. He also produced methodological tools which anticipated the need to open research on certain topics trading, planting and their relations for which the long history should be taken into account.

¹⁴It has been said of the governor that he had won the affection of the people, who have given their respective positions in the paper in- colony Dean 17.107 page. Robert Townsend Farquhar was appointed Governor of the colony in 1810 to 1817 and from 1820 to 1823.

¹⁵Z2D Series Mauritius national archives.

¹⁶In the sense of extended family, counting about a hundred people, three generations.

¹⁷Note that this British trading house is fully formed today Mauritian capital for the redemption of shares of founding family interests Blyth and Jourdan.

¹⁸The book is written in 1977, that is to say when the development policy of EPZ export industry is booming, founded to a large extent on the concentration and diversification sugar (almost 50 % Investments by Philippe Hein).

¹⁹These old families of the period known as "the island Défricheurs France. Contribution to the study of the establishment of Mauritius by the East India Company, 1722-1767 "(Octave Bechet)

²⁰The author has divided into four main periods the development of the sugar industry: one that goes from 1639 to 1810 called pre-industrial, which is between 1811 to 1851 called merchants and British investors, and one that goes from 1850 1900 technological development and finally, from 1900 to today, considered a slow consolidation by creating organizations like the union of sugars, a research institute MSIRI, etc ...

²¹The DBM Biography Dictionary of Mauritian present Edward James Arbuthnot as a planter who had bought properties and Piton Rivière du Rempart in 1826. He based the "Chamber of Agriculture" in 1853. He was Director of "Oriental Bank "and developed the" Ceylon Company Ltd ".

²²The table that I realized no less than 18 institutions. The oldest are the "Mauritius Commercial Bank" (MCB), the "Mercantile Bank of India", the "China and London," the "Ceylon Company", the "Credit Foncier of Mauritius," the "Mauritius Land Agency Credit" the "Oriental Bank" ...

²³The author notes that the decline in exchange rates had a protective effect of the sale of sugar in the Indian market. In 1864 Maurice of Crédit Foncier, which invested in 28 years 3.500.000 Rupees in loans to owners, was very successful author says.

²⁴Attached.

²⁵Ireland Blyth. Blyth family assets were recently bought by Mauritian. IBL is a consortium of local private capital.

²⁶Illustrated by two stories Lonroe and IBL whose concentration has taken place in stages and through financial support in times of crisis or changes related to inheritance or bankruptcy risk in difficult times.

²⁷good productivity lands, located in the high double agro-industrial and residential.

²⁸ongoing thesis on the transformation of popular Indian religions.

²⁹This is a possible interpretation of the events surrounding the unfolding "days Kaya" in 1999 and educated court case since in- "The foundations of the Mauritian multi-culturalism and the emergence of a new society." Mauritian Sudies. New Series, Vol.2, No. 1. Mahatma Gandhi Institute, Moka 2003.

If the first Dutch company could be a model for Weber to conduct its analysis of the "spirit of capitalism" about the development of Protestantism, new contemporary situations, observable in these islands at the end of the world as to the Mauritius can also testify to the need to change perspectives to interpret the social relation to the economic and the political. Reversing the terms of the more frequent analyzes, I would say that the intrinsic weakness of the capitalist model of development fall within its expansionist in nature. Why to such a system that knows no limits, the advance of culture and society Does not impose new rules, unpublished logical? It is therefore not surprising that the individual values ​​of Christian salvation that forged the full morality hiersoient of financial capitalism now in competition with other ideologies equally universal vocation to promote the exchange values ​​in the applying to the solidarity of networks and limits their reproduction: Competition and solidarity from concert. Beyond these generalizations, the centrality of the islands on the periphery of the world must be seen as simultaneously being a place to share the world, and a privileged framework of territorial restructuring may arise where the new myths of history. Hiersoient now in competition with other ideologies equally universal vocation to promote the exchange values ​​by applying the solidarity networks and limits their reproduction: Competition and solidarity from the concert. Beyond these generalizations, the centrality of the islands on the periphery of the world must be seen as simultaneously being a place to share the world, and a privileged framework of territorial restructuring may arise where the new myths of history. Hiersoient now in competition with other ideologies equally universal vocation to promote the exchange values ​​by applying the solidarity networks and limits their reproduction: Competition and solidarity from the concert. Beyond these generalizations, the centrality of the islands on the periphery of the world must be seen as simultaneously being a place to share the world, and a privileged framework of territorial restructuring may arise where the new myths of history.^16‒18

None.

Author declares that there is no conflict of interest.

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