This qualitative study addresses the need to broaden the analysis of the fractures and contradictions of feminism through sordority, a neologism that is proposed as an abstract and explanatory element of the internal ruptures of the feminist movement in the face of its original cause, the conquest of equality between the sexes. Cause that in the case of Mexico is increased by the crime of femicide and disappearance of women, girls and adolescents. The analysis is carried out based on the human rights approach and the gender perspective, reviewing digital hemerographic sources that range from Latin American regional feminism to feminist demonstrations occupying iconoclasm and clothes racks. It is concluded that sordority is a plausible concept to activate the discussion about the ruptures of radical feminist groups with other non-radicals.

Keywords: sorority, sordority, feminism

The objective of this qualitative study is to illustrate the weakening of sisterhood as a fundamental premise of feminism due to sordority, a kind of deafness between women, a concept that is proposed and proposed as the act of exclusion and invisibilization of other women by women who declare themselves feminists and who aggravate the right of those women, born and not biologically born, to exercise their legitimate participation and recognition as feminist women, a discriminatory action motivated by the fact that they do not share one or more of the elements of their own ideological bloc. In the case of Mexico, their differences temporarily enter into a truce every March 8, its commemoration arises in 1975 through the United Nations, time in which the debate of equality between both sexes is reactivated. This was the year of the first World Conference on Women, which took place in Mexico.

The proposal of this study is made as a contribution to the advancement of knowledge through the analysis of the feminist movement, particularly that which has taken place in Mexico in recent years, taking as units of analysis the clotheslines and the so-called feminist iconoclasm in institutions of higher education, specifically the Autonomous University of the State of Mexico, and the demonstrations of March 8, collective expressions that have attracted much attention for their protest against the State along with acts of vandalism, called by some as feminist iconoclasm.¹ Empirical data are analyzed through digital hemerography from the human rights approach and the gender perspective, which serve as structural indicators and are the basis for procedural and result indicators² which, in turn, are the nodal aspects of action of government representatives of the highest rank, and who with their performance should influence the prevention, attention, punishment and eradication of violence against women.

The feminist movement has had from its origin a dynamic of social stridency by placing in a firm and clear way the socio-historical and cultural debts between men and women. This political stance strives for equality between the sexes under the slogan of awareness of imposed and unfounded hierarchies, but not of motivation for men. The different analyses of the conditions in which women live illustrate the systematic subordination in different social spheres, whether private or public, such as the couple, the family, school, work, the street, politics, the economy, access to justice, among others.

Certainly, this political movement seeks equality and emancipation without trampling on the exercise of men's rights, which places it at a level of sensitivity and critical sense of actions and states of discrimination against women. Its advances have not been minor, highlighting the development of concepts that have given rise to a theoretical scaffolding with constitutional and conventional legal consequences, an example of which is the gender perspective and sisterhood that represent the theoretical and conceptual basis of analysis that reveals the sordority, the deafness of radical feminist positions. Concepts and advances that despite their progressiveness are not exempt from contradiction within the feminist movement, a nodal point that shows the relevance of what is proposed by the fact of alluding to a current problem and gender discussion agenda.

Regarding the first concept, gender perspective, it can be said that its impact has been so powerful that it is fully present in political and educational circles. Its use allows us to understand that it is a theoretical-methodological tool whose analysis requires the visibility of intersectionality. And it is related to sorority because the latter concept raises the exposure of discriminatory situations, whether sexual or not, towards women, situations activated by sexist actions. It is necessary to insert the human rights approach because it allows a better understanding of the gender perspective as they are universal, inalienable, unrenounceable, imprescriptible and indivisible.³ In such a way that not only women can be approached with the technical-theoretical tools of this perspective, but also other sectors whose condition shows risks of having their rights violated and who have historically lived in social disadvantage, such as the LGBTTTIQ+ community, the elderly, indigenous people, in the same way that not only women can appropriate feminism, but also men can live as feminist people.

The analysis of the feminist actions that are taken up ranges from international to national geopolitics, closing the study in the clotheslines of university Mexico in 2019, recovering the impact of sinister events such as femicide and forced disappearance that socially motivate these demonstrations. The development of feminism has not been free of differences within its dynamics. Thus, Gamba⁴ points out that one of the dangers to be avoided in order to prevent its weakening is the fragmentation of its emerging positions, which are the perfect breeding ground for its disarticulation. Cracking the social cohesion of the movement in general and capillarizing the sordority, which descriptively refers to the inability to dialogue between feminist women with radicalized positions that in their line of action show a distance with inclusion and non-discrimination, among the consequences of which is a progressive social discrediting of feminism for moving away from its primary objectives, equality and emancipation of women, producing a polarized fragmentation among the different feminist positions that have emerged in recent years, the effect of which is to create intentional surprises that emphasize differences instead of coincidences.

This neologism is mounted on the concept of sorority, under a game of sounds regarding the universality that this concept has reached, which in itself keeps the closeness and connection between women and their sonorous closeness with Spanish based on what it seeks to illustrate, and that given new extreme leaderships, there is a dialogic impoverishment to give way to an exercise of power among peers that shows a paradoxically feminist misogyny.

Overview of the origin and development of feminism

It has been said that feminism emerged at the end of the 13th century, when Wilhelmine of Bohemia proposed the creation of a women's church. From another point of view, we start from the women whose knowledge was persecuted and massacred, the time window was the middle Ages, a time when the Holy Inquisition demonized the knowledge of women healers, healers, herbalists, midwives, midwives, and abortionists. Their mastery of human anatomy and botany intersected with the construction of medicine as a new science appropriate for men but not for women, together with an era characterized by the predominance of magical thinking, which led these women to become sorceresses, witches who had dealings with the devil, opening the social space to criminalize their work because they were responsible for diseases, calamities, incubating hatred towards the feminine that only reached a glimpse of reflection by the tortures and bloody deaths to which they were subjected. This was how the Catholic religion and the Inquisition anchored in the collective unconscious the presence of witches, in other words, misogyny.⁵

This terrifying history of persecution against women has not been closed, the insidiousness against them in countries such as Ghana and New Guinea reports more than twenty thousand dead women accused of committing witchcraft. Women who are mostly single or widowed. And the reasons for which they are accused remain the same, they are responsible for the death of people close to them. In other cases they are expelled by mining interests of certain companies that collude with the chiefs (men) to have access to the land.⁵

The entertainment market has not been indifferent to people's necrophiliac interest, examples are several: The Witches of Eastwick, 1987; Hocus Pocus, 1993; The Blair Witch Project, 1999, The Blair Witch Project 2, 2000; the witch released in 2015; Akelarre, 2020. These film productions illustrate the strong power of the witch myth and its impact on people's psyche. For its part, in the second wave of feminism in the late sixties and early seventies, a female collective called Witch emerged in the United States, focused on carrying out social and political actions with artistic performances that took up the figure of the witch.

Without losing the line on the origin of feminism, García Bullé⁶ points out four different feminist movements that gave rise to what has been called the four waves. The first wave was characterized by the struggle for the right to vote, education and financial freedom, an eminently political and economic agenda (19^th century). The 19th century saw the beginning of a more organized and collective resistance and struggle. Undoubtedly, prior to this century there were important contributions by women in iconic moments of history, such as during the Renaissance the struggle for freedom of conscience, a reference in this regard was the case of Elena Lucrezia Cornaro Piscopia (1646-1684).⁷ At this time most women were married from the moment they began to "stain" or were confined to a convent or were heavily punished in case of rebellion.⁸ On the French Revolution in the eighteenth century⁴ we can comment on the collective and organized action of women due to the shortage of food, bread and flour. They marched more than fifteen kilometers from Paris to Versailles, taking with them a contingent of approximately 7,000 people. This was one of the first attempts at subversion that ended up giving rise to the revolution in that country. In this convulsed social scenario, figures such as Marie-Jeanne Roland de la Platiere, Olympe de Gouges and Charlotte Corday, three women who were guillotined, stood out.⁹

The second wave, in the 60s and 70s, focused on the conquest of civil rights, labor rights and reproductive and sexual rights. It should be remembered that many of the women tortured and murdered by the Holy Inquisition had extensive knowledge about contraception, which was blocked by the action of the Church. This second feminist onslaught was influenced by the publication of The Second Sex written by Simone de Beauvoir, among whose considerations it stands out that a woman is not born, she is made.

Other names emerge with interesting contributions. Betty Friedan takes up this work, conducts fieldwork and incorporates oral histories on the experiences of many women, concluding the profound discomfort of dedicating one's life to the narrow life of domesticity, in the United States wage equality was promulgated, and by 1964, labor discrimination based on race, sex, creed or origin was prohibited. Gloria Steinem opened the discussion on sexism, wage inequality in nightclubs, abortion and rape, and other organizations formed by black women were opened. Alice Walker introduced the term womanism, demonstrations were held to advocate equality for homosexuals, and lesbian women's groups were opened. All these actions ran parallel to the African American civil rights movement to combat racial oppression.¹⁰

With respect to the third wave there is no agreement on its beginning, apparently it occurred in the 90s, it was the daughter of Alice Walker named Rebecca Walker who alludes to the third great moment of feminism,¹¹ there is also the antecedent with the concept coined by Teresa de Lauretis in 1991, on queer theory that encompassed three fundamental points: the rejection of heterosexuality as the only model of sexuality; the challenge to the belief that the study of non-hetero-normative sexuality of lesbians and gays were the same; and finally, the production of sexual biases based on race and ethnicity.⁶ In 1989 the concept of intersectionality emerged as a contribution of Kimberlé Crenshaw, a concept that shows the psychosocial multidimensionality of women, it is observed how several of the issues discussed in the second wave are retaken because they did not advance in overcoming them in a substantive way. Musical bands were formed that wrote songs against patriarchy, machismo, abuse, rape, abortion rights and sexism, thus combining music with political activism.

The fourth wave took place at the beginning of the 2000s, opening a discussion on a diverse feminism, establishing a debate on the direct interaction between the sexes in public and private spaces, touching on sensitive issues such as harassment, bullying, rape, stereotypes of body and facial beauty. These different movements account for the dynamism of feminism as a theory and political stance of criticism on the order of things from an interdisciplinary, egalitarian vision and breaking with the differentiated allocation of opportunities.⁶

Characteristics of Latin feminism in its historical development

The vast field of feminism and its development has even marked its geopolitics, we speak of western feminism and its effects worldwide, but it is not the only one to keep in mind, the XXI century has decanted interesting events around this field, and Latin America is no exception, so it is necessary to look at how this movement, position and development of theories about women has activated a decolonization after an ancestral exclusion of the region in the global concert. Movement because it has produced structural changes, among which are the normative advances in Mexico; posture because the women who support this approach of equality relate in a different way with the opposite sex-gender and development of theories because, as we will see, different feminisms have been built.

Latin American feminism is sustained primarily by indigenous and mestizo women, who have marked a path in which at some point they did not recognize themselves as Indians or mestizos, having to overcome the burden of ethnic origin established since the colony, white woman, mestizo woman, Indian woman and black woman. Latin America as a political region excluded from the successful neoliberal economies is now experiencing an important struggle of decolonization of foreign capital and policies that seek to exploit its resources, because not only the white man violates Indian, black and mestizo women, he also violates the land from the conception of patriarchal domination, with the deployment of his macho patterns and his airs of conquest to subordinate both women and the land itself.¹¹

Mexico has been the cradle of growth of feminist thought through women who in the course of their trajectory have achieved solid recognition, but at the same time have not had an easy path of clear resonance, at times, with other feminist peers, because sometimes their message is not understood, but stigmatized. This lack of understanding due to the absence of listening among feminists themselves can be read even long before the clotheslines, read the following event of literate feminists led by a well-known Mexican woman expert on the subject.

In 2017 Ana Gabriela Rojas¹² made a review on the occasion of the realization of a tribute to Marta Lamas, Colloquium entitled Marta Lamas in dialogue with XY, and, for which Lamas herself had invited 11 men, just, to talk about feminism and making use of other provocative elements such as the same disclosure, a poster with pink color. Her proposal was to hold a meeting with a different nuance that would generate questions on the subject from other voices, since, in her own words, she considered that from her experience feminist events had the same cut, those who subscribe to the present document consider that this meaning has been maintained until now with the sensitive addition of the generational anger of the new feminists, an element that is clearly valid for being legitimate. Nevertheless, the belligerent animosity, as Lamas points out, obstructs thinking and cancels political actions of high impact and with greater and better results.

This is one of the main effects at the moment of sustaining radical positions, which reach a dogmatism of exclusion, turning their backs on non-discrimination, equality, the objective possibility of participation beyond being a woman or a man, because it is not the body that defines the feminist position, but thought, word and action, which invoke the dismantling of prejudices, stereotypes, clichés, hollow repetitions and lacking in argumentation and saturated with tendentious beliefs.

In the encounter of the multiple differences and inequalities between men and women and between women and women, various feminisms are progressively derived: indigenous feminism, lesbian feminism, black feminism, western feminism, academic feminism. What temporarily illustrates a diverse, dialectical, plural, interventionist, irreverent contemporary feminism in the use of language as an action of resistance taking symbols such as the "@" to imply inclusion, or the letter "x" to overcome sexual differentiation. Current times show a reconfiguration of history that exposes inequalities, abuses, excesses, outrages, and the historical colonization of the feminine through the disposition of the body, of a psychic ideologization of the supposed order of the sexes.

The socio-political construction of feminisms has produced strong differences that shake the common basis of their cause, the overcoming of the patriarchal system's oppression of women. Such is the case of the exclusion of trans women, who have been rejected by radical trans-exclusionary feminists, arguing that a woman is a woman because of her sex, and self-appointing themselves as cisgender women, thus assumed based on their biological gender,¹³ which in reality their justification is based on the biological substrate, that is, on sex and not on gender, some positions of this order come to establish the conception of a society without men, which points to a misandric position. Positioning that takes the same line as misogyny, hostility if not even hatred for the other sex.

Sexual identity, gender identity and erotic identity are diverse elements that make up personal self-determination, and that, at present, in the XXI Century, such knowledge should be appropriated by the different feminist currents in order to integrate a human sector historically, culturally, politically, economically and socially violated in its rights to form a meta-collective capable of renewing itself without turning its back on its cause. It is there where equality can be discussed as a goal in the sex-gender continuum, seen as such a binomial in a disarmed way, in which female bodies are positioned to be operated or not operated, to be dressed in one way or another. In such a way that allows a symbolic and non-symbolic reading of the different ways of being and living as a woman, without biological essentialisms that end up in discriminatory practices. A reading that at the same time returns this same renewed understanding of being and living as a man, as would be the case of lesbians. And thus, to avoid falling into transphobic behaviors, in which women reject women themselves.           

The feminist pronouncement declares in public and in private its struggle for the appropriation of the body that encompasses sexuality, work, and access to wealth in conditions of equality, transformation and reproduction. This quintuple dismantles the locks on the power of this often transgressed frontier that once began and in other cases still begins with the usurpation of the skin of the body from the hands, the eyes, the nose, the tongue and the fleshy phallus.

March 8 and the clotheslines in Mexico

The current feminist rebellion has exploded in an accumulation of demonstrations. In Mexico as in the whole Latin American region, March 8th has become an emblematic date of collective demonstration, thousands of women are present in the streets anticipating routes that touch politically relevant buildings in their cities. Green and purple scarves cover part of their faces or are placed on their heads, in other cases they place bracelets of these colors on their wrists. Collectively they launch slogans to make visible their common political stance against the patriarchal structure that for centuries has deprived the female sex of equality.

Powerful phrases for their content as well as for their collective pronunciation, among which can be heard¹⁴:

1. And the male chauvinists tremble

Alert! Alert

Alert walking feminist struggle in Latin America

And tremble

And tremble

And let the male chauvinists tremble

That Latin America will be all feminist

2. They will not die

They will return

They will return

The bullets you fired

They will return

The blood you shed

You will pay for it,

Women who

Murdered will not die

They will not die!

3. Do not be indifferent

Sir, Madam

Do not be indifferent

Women are killed

In the face of people

4. Here is your herd

Calm down sister

Here is your herd

5. Your struggle

Woman, listen

This is your fight

6. Not one more

Not one more

Not one more

Not one more murdered woman

7. Abortion

Abortion

Abortion

This patriarchal system must be aborted.

8. I told you no!

NO! I told you no

Pendejo no

My body is mine

I decide

I have autonomy

I am mine

Why not!

9. Women against machismo

Women against war

Women against capital

Women against machismo

And neoliberal terrorism

From its content we can explicitly read its stance of struggle, resistance, and rejection of patriarchy and its misogynistic expressions, as well as a fierce spirit against a system that has objectified women, girls and adolescents in many parts of the world.

March 8 has been the right framework for initiatives of denunciation at national level by large contingents of women who accuse feminicidal violence, violence by disappearance and sexual violence, along with the already mentioned family and intimate partner violence. February 2019, was the framework in which university women of the Autonomous University of the State of Mexico (UAEMéx) manifested through the now known clotheslines sexual violence by harassment and harassment by men within their faculties, the cradle of this movement that became a stoppage of activities of several faculties was the Faculty of Behavioral Sciences.

This movement took such force that it echoed nationally, it was a domino effect that exposed a whole series of abusive sexual practices by male students and professors, some solid cases to be prosecuted and others lacking evidence and causing moral damage to the alleged perpetrator. The active and multifaceted face of the national university feminist movement, during the month of March, became in Mexico a totally legitimate motive of public agenda in light of misogynist practices, corruption, impunity and patriarchal collusions permeated in higher education that distance the longed conquest of a substantive equality of an unrestricted respect for being a woman. However, the alleged aggressors saw their human right to be free from arbitrary interference against their honor or reputation violated, having, in addition, the right to legal protection by the law against such attacks, Article 12 of the Declaration of Human Rights.¹⁵ It is clear that these denunciations constitute what can be called a media lynching.¹⁶ It is necessary to point out the governmental and institutional efforts on the part of university authorities to give legal channel to the media accusations, which did not have an echo because it was not possible to persuade the lifting of the strike. In the case of the Faculty of Behavioral Sciences of the UAEMex.

The State, at least in the State of Mexico as an entity, cradle of birth of this strong movement, sought as strategies to open windows of recognition of the exercise of demonstration to freely express themselves with their marches, but this has been insufficient in the face of the demands for punishment of sexual predators and omission of response by the Attorney General's Office of the State of Mexico, at least so accused the alleged victims, which undoubtedly in several cases the allegations are true. This is how they accuse a lack of results, of administrative and criminal sanctions against the alleged culprits, in addition to the civil lawsuit that the victims in question have in their personal capacity in accordance with the exercise of their rights. This outcome shows a lack of open spaces for dialogue and support for these young feminists whose generation is crying out for justice. It is clear that those who have been wronged in this civilizing moment will clamor for coherent and firm action on the part of the Sovereign to protect the exercise of their right to a sanctioning and restorative justice.

These pronouncements by students took place during the month of February 2020, and were a media reference for the news media.¹⁷ The clotheslines multiplied to an unprecedented extent because as a domino effect students from other higher education institutions in the country joined, such as the National Autonomous University of Mexico, the National Polytechnic Institute, the Metropolitan Autonomous University, University of Hidalgo, Autonomous Juarez University of Tabasco, Autonomous University of Coahuila, Autonomous University of Puebla, National Pedagogical University, Universidad Michoacana de San Nicolás de Hidalgo, Universidad de Guanajuato, Universidad del Noreste en Tamaulipas, Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León, Universidad de Guadalajara, Universidad de Colima, Universidad Veracruzana, Universidad de Sonora, University of Quintana Roo, Autonomous University of Campeche, Autonomous University of Sinaloa, Autonomous University of San Luis Potosi, University of Guerrero, La Salle campus Nezahualcoyotl, Ibero, and ITAM.¹⁸

The complaints included sexual harassment and harassment, nudes sent by teachers to their students via Whatsapp, pornography networks that gave rise to multiple demonstrations, shocking data on sexual violence as in the case of the Universidad Juárez Autónoma de Tabasco, where three out of every two students suffer sexual harassment inside the classroom, protests against insecurity and feminicides. The clotheslines placed in the university facilities pointed out names of teachers, administrative staff or fellow students as aggressors, giving public view to the aggressor. The complaints for the case of the Faculty of Behavioral Sciences were filed with the Attorney General's Office of the State of Mexico (FGJEM), the same rector at the time, assigned legal support staff for the victims, which showed a sensitive spirit of empathy with them, while under administrative initiative exceeded its functions.¹⁸

The university statute of this institution was reformed, opening the way for the eradication of gender violence and specifying the relevant offenses, such as sexual harassment, sexual harassment, bullying, cyberbullying, objectification, mobbing, gender violence, digital violence, physical violence, psychological violence, sexual violence, discrimination for any reason, mistreatment, non-discrimination, among others. The sanctions are equally marked to such an extent that according to the seriousness of the act on the part of a perpetrator, his or her definitive disqualification and immediate dismissal will be considered.^19,20 All this effervescence of public denunciation called into question the institutional gender equity programs, generating an institutional crisis that was necessary.

Thanks to all this reactivity of the student body against abuse, today, and already existing concrete precedents in the matter, the UAEMEX has protocols of action, one is the Protocol for the prevention, care and punishment of workplace harassment (s / f), another is the Protocol to prevent, address and punish cases of bullying and sexual harassment at the Autonomous University of the State of Mexico²¹, another in the Protocol of action to prevent, address and punish bullying and cyberbullying in the UAEMEX. The placement of clotheslines was obstructed in 2021 due to the COVID-19 pandemic, for 2022 once again they were occupied, but now with less coverage in that institution, that is, there were significantly fewer academic bodies that were exposed, although being a sensitive issue it was media coverage for the media, and on this occasion the students themselves decided not to go on strike, as well as the university authorities acted with greater diligence of attention by linking with the FGJEM.

It is clear that the impact of the 2020 clotheslines had an institutional havoc that led the disciplinary and intervention measures to a reiterative point with training courses to induce interactions in the university community more respectful, collaborative and sensitive to break macho, misogynist and homophobic behaviors. It is possible to think that the students' decision to continue with their activities came about when they saw how the university authorities acted, bringing lawyers from the same legal team as the university's general counsel to their facilities, as well as bringing the presence of public ministries to register complaints of sexual misconduct. However, it could be observed how radical university feminists showed up at the facilities of the Rectory of the same university perpetrating vandalism acts on its facilities, breaking shouts, throwing expletives, insulting the authorities, making graffiti with insults, without considering at any time alternative ways of building dialogue, both in 2020 and in 2022. It is important to mention that the building is recognized as a monumental and historic building by the National Institute of Anthropology and History.²²

These university feminists displayed recalcitrant behaviors that could apparently invoke an iconoclastic exercise that in the light of the progressive civilizing developments of human rights, of the gender perspective and of feminism itself, if it betrays the inability of some feminists to establish bridges of understanding, spaces for dialogue, discussion, follow-up and proposals at the level of the profile of the university students they intend to train, so as not to reach expressions of vituperative behavior or destruction of spaces that belong to citizens in general and especially to women, girls and adolescents in particular. Vilchis²² points out how the university authorities were forced to file a complaint before the FGJEM for damage to property and to the health and integrity of the institution's workers.

Graphic testimonies about these belligerent behaviors were recorded by López^23,24 in which their slogans and damage to various facilities with sledgehammers and hammers can be observed, one of them being the legislative branch in the city of Toluca, the emblematic portals of Toluca. Other damaged resources are the glass screens where activities and services for the citizens are disclosed. The position of the local legislators prior to the March 8, 2021 demonstration requested state and municipal public security to guarantee unrestricted respect for the human right of demonstration by the activists. These behaviors have not been limited to slogans and damage to property, but also to violent attacks against men, using tasers with which electric shocks are applied to the body of the person to be attacked, causing body paralysis, uncontrolling the muscles and causing intense pain, which means that extreme feminist women come armed to these demonstrations. Businesses along the route of these collectives prefer to close their premises to avoid damage to their patrimony. Many of the responses on social networks are of total repudiation of these acts.^24–26

Feminist iconoclasm

Iconoclasm has been the movement that every 8th of March, young feminists together with other non-young women have appropriated to carry out collective mass demonstrations. This movement arose in Europe in the sixteenth century against the production of images that embodied God from the Catholic religion, seeking with it an inculcated worship through the actions of priests who in many cases followed each other to the hilt, thus facilitating the accumulation of alms, bull’s indulgences and pardons would be embodied by the idolized images. Thus, iconoclasm manifested its rejection of any artistic production of religious objects, a position that was concretized with the destruction of paintings, relics, as well as altarpieces, stained glass, were ruined and burned. A significant amount of Catholic artistic heritage was lost.²⁷

The fury of the Protestants at that time was based on the neglected claim of not having favorable spaces in which they could perform their worship, spaces totally free of any hint of idolatry that was not exempt from political and not only ideological and economic burdens. The concept of iconoclasm, then, seeks the prohibition of the image of divinity to the point of destroying it to avoid its immanence and warn about its reproduction.²⁷

The first is the de-idolization of the patriarchal world, the criticism of the idolatry of allegorical expressions of traditional masculinity, of the dominant male, such as statues, sculptures in general, paintings, monuments, produces an automatic response of repulsion in radical feminists and in others who are not so radical. One possible interpretation of this is that such works explicitly place the male in an idol dimension, to which is attributed this unquestionable superiority, historically sustained by the arbitrary and oppressive handling of women. Another interpretation is that of renovating monuments to increase their history.¹

The second is to make visible the incompetence of the authorities to neutralize the flow of femicides in the country, the urban and non-urban environment of insecurity, which translates, except on March 8, into perverse spaces in which women can not only be abused but, even more, executed in ungodly ways that go as far as leaving the remains in a total annihilation, of which previously, of course, there was a whole torture. Women, women, women who make themselves present in the public space, which by antonomasia is a masculine space that those have dared to infiltrate in many ways, cultural, economic, artistic, sporting, political and sorority, showing with the accumulation of female bodies the appropriation of the public and booing that the private is also a public element along with a string of slogans such as, the police do not take care of me, my friends take care of me, not one less, the homeland kills, we love each other alive, we do not forgive or forget, among others, because even dead women are -we are- objects of consumption, as evidenced in the case of Ingrid Escamilla.

Feminist iconoclasm is becoming more and more virulent, although perhaps it should be recognized how it has acted as a social element of pressure favoring structural advances in regulatory terms not only in university institutional protocols, but also in specific and sensitive regulatory frameworks regarding the objectification of women, such as the Ingrid Law, which punishes as a crime the act by any person who discloses data, documents or images related to a criminal proceeding. Olimpia Law, which punishes digital violence. Registry of generators of violence, a national program in charge of the INE that integrates a register of people who generate gender-based political violence. Legalization of abortion in Mexico City.¹ In reality, and as it has been noticed, we are facing a feminist human paradox, to be seen we must shout, break, disturb, disturb, discomfort, in order to bring to account discourses of substantive equality, no violence, no femicide, no disappearances, no abuses, no trafficking in women, so that they are configured in objective and material processes of security, attention and sanction on the generators of female violence. Because only the truth told in its crude and absolute weight will set us free, to walk a path in which gender is overcome and equality is conquered. In short, feminist radicalization is a real source of danger for the growth of feminism as a movement and for its different aspects of geopolitical opportunity and agenda, and that is the point where sordority arises and settles in a good breeding ground that cancels all debate by holding extremist positions and consequently rejection.^28–31

The objective of arguing the need to point out the inability to include the different ways of living and being a woman, to make visible the different groups of women who claim to be feminists and end up transgressing the human rights of other women was exposed through the succession of events and radical positions by demonstrations and feminist iconoclasm. Sordority, indeed, is on the lookout for feminism.

In the end, each woman, from her corporeality, from her humanity, from her existence, wages a struggle in which she prioritizes what is needed, whether it is the defense of her land, the river, her plot of land, her people, her body, and her children. The battles are not limited to the achievement of emancipation, they are fought in many cases from the most basic and substantive, such as the protection of one's own life, to the most elaborate and seemingly alien, such as the defense of unborn women. None of these battles is more relevant than any other; they all have a why and a wherefore that converge in non-discrimination, substantive equality and autonomy. The multiplicity of feminist struggles and currents is the greatest challenge facing this social and political movement at regional, national and local levels, since it faces in its broadest sense different aspects in which the legitimacy of each one is found because their agenda objects attack core points of existence and being as human beings in the world.

One of the most important challenges of feminism is overcoming exclusion, segregation and negative distinction. It is the understanding that feminism has a cause and it is the cause of inequality. A cause increased in the case of Mexico by femicides and disappearances of women, girls and adolescents. The legitimacy of this increased cause is not up for discussion, what is up for discussion are the destructive acts of radical feminists that produce citizen unrest. If radical positions of rejection are maintained among women themselves, this will lead to the breakdown of sorority to strongly harbor sordority. States and authorities should focus on improving public safety and coordination between municipal and state police personnel. In the surveillance of adequate mobility conditions in urban and semi-urban routes to avoid the seizure of units, assaults and outrages against young women.

None.

The author declares there is no conflict of interest.

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