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Review Article Volume 4 Issue 2

Written evidence of the inimitability of the Quran on comprehending the concept of Arabic linguistic history and theology

Solehah Yaacob


Correspondence: Solehah Yaacob, Professor of Philosophy of Arabic Grammar, Department of Arabic Langutage &, Literature, International Islamic, University Malaysia, Malaysia, Tel 0361965114

Received: July 02, 2019 | Published: April 27, 2020

Citation: Yaacob S. Written evidence of the inimitability of the Quran on comprehending the concept of Arabic linguistic history and theology. Art Human Open Acc J. 2020;4(2):64-69. DOI: 10.15406/ahoaj.2020.04.00155

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Abstract

The study focuses on how the relationship between Arabic linguistic and theology concept in the Quran will enhance the understanding of Islamic principles. However, there have been too many pointless debates and discussions on the issue of influence of Arabic linguistic on philosophical theology. In order to highlight significant issues of the Quranic interpretation of the theology as a consummation of metaphysics or Tauhidic concept, the need of understanding of deep semantic approach is necessary. In this study, the Tauhidic concept is presented not to linguists but theologians (MuÑtazilah) in impressing upon them the need to study not only theology but also grammar and literary theory in order to improve the understanding of the inimitability of the Qur’an. An analytical discussion on some views among the scholars on the topic is a method approach of the research.

Keywords: exegesis, deep structure, linguistic thought, theologians, Islamic sciences

Introduction

The Quran, for all Muslims, is considered the most articulate speech and the most eloquent writing which surpasses all other Arabic texts. Different Quranic recitation styles among grammarians affect the meaning of the text and would result in varying interpretations. If we look back in the history of the creation of the Arabic syntax it was in the hands of qurrāɔ. Most of whom were grammarians such as: Abu al‒Aswad ad‒Duɔalī, Ibn Abī Iṡhāk al‒Hadramī, al‒Khalil ibn Ahmad al‒Farāhīdī, al‒Kisāɔī, and etc. Different styles of pronunciation in the recitation of the Quran are normally accepted unless it resulted in distortion of meaning then the recitation is prohibited. Al‒Farrāɔ says in this respect that “the Book, i.e. the Quran, is the clearer [one] and has the stronger argument over poetry”,i and Ibn Khalawayhi adds that “people have decided that if a word appears in the Quran, then it is the more fluent [here] in comparison to anywhere else”.ii Thus, any argument brought forth from syntactical principles based on Qurɔānic evidence is considered stronger than an argument based on other authoritative texts. The influence of theology philosophy on Arabic linguistic perhaps came when the inimitability of Quran was discovered. To understand the Quran verses which revealed in Arabic language needs thorough understanding either grammar, semantic, rhetoric, morphology and etc. Without details analysis the understanding of meaning become vogue or unclear, especially for those who are non‒Arab or called Ajam. To discuss the topic mentioned, the relationship between the both concept of knowledge need to be highlighted according to significant views of the scholars.1,2

iAl‒Farrāɔ. Macānī Al‒Qurɔān. Beirut: World of Books; 1983. p. 14.

iiAs‒Suyūtī. Al‒ɔItqān fī cUlūm Al‒Qurɔān. Beirut: Arabic Book Press; 1998. p. 213.

The relationship between Arabic grammar and theology concept

What is the secret of the existence theology concept in Arabic grammar? Ironically, for the majority of the Muslim world who subscribe to the teaching of Sunna Wal Jamaa (in modern parlance The Sunni school of thought), it was Abu al‒Aswad (d. 69H) one of the prominent intellectual figure in the Mu`tazilite movement in 11th century Iraq who propounded a systematic form of Arabic grammar. Another significant figure was Sibawayh the grammarian who connected Islamic theology with Arabic grammar such as What speaks of glorification and praise, and not all, of words is great and they are not great. In his book `al‒Kitab`, terms or concpets in theology became popular such as expansion (Expansion), asserts (the findings), explanation (The explanations), mental analogical approach (Mental measure) and access to the mind of the provisions grammatical (And resort to the mind in many grammatical rulings). The philosophy of theology was an alternative method in expression the grammar thought, meant the Arabic grammar uninfluenced by foreign thinking as claimed by some people. We have recorded that most of the Arab grammarians they were Mu`tazilite such as Abu Aswad as‒Dualy, Farra`, Kisa`I, Ibn Jinni, Ibn faris and etc. As mentioned by az‒Zubaydiiii that the early Arab grammarians who living together with the theologians were Abu Abdullah Ibn Ishaq( d.117h) living in the time of WÉÎil bin ÑAÏa` (131h), Essa bin Umar ( d. 149h), Khalil Ahmad (175h) and Ibn al‒Muqafa (d.142h), Thumamah bin Ashras (d. 213h) and al‒Farra` (d.208h). The proof that the Arabic grammar been influenced by theology, we have found that Khalil Ahmad Al‒Farahidi associated with analogical thinking in his theory in deriving the linguistic thought especially in grammatical approach.iv Sibawayh, the writer of `al‒Kitab` been affected by him as mentioned in his `al‒Kitab` a lot of grammatical theories rely on theological and Islamic jurisprudence principles. Another prominent man was al‒Akhfash al‒Wasit (d. 213h) was a theologian Mu`tazilate who came after Sibawayh. Al‒Qifti mentioned in his book that al‒Akhfash imposed the method of theology when applied Quran exegesis such as in (God spoke to Moses). Whilst Ibn Sarrag introduced a new approach of logic into grammar, then this task has been continued by Abu Ali al‒Farisi when he mentioned in several of his books which were associated with logic and theology, until he mentioned that he was wrong for fifty issues in language but none in analogy. Ibn Jinni his student was followed him very well when he said that the declension of speech made by speaker himself. Meant the speaker used his own thinking base on logic in order to express his needs. Then, he also expands the logic of grammar into the logic of jurisprudence. Another his contribution was the explanation of the expanding word of `كلام` derived from great morphology. The Influence of Philosophical Theology on Arabic Linguistics since Greek philosophy flourished in the fourth century B.C.E.v and the Qur’an was revealed in the seventh century C.E., a thousand years later,vi its content had to be the product of cultural transmission from an allegedly superior culture (Greek) to an allegedly inferior culture (the Arabs). There is the possibility that Greek tradition did indeed exert an influence on theological thought at a later stage, such as in the case of the Mu`tazilites who put an almost exclusive stress on logic. However, Greek philosophy only became relevant to Islamic philosophy after the transmission of Hellenistic tradition during the translation movement under the ‘Abbasids. Syriac served as intermediary between the Greek and Arabic language,vii beginning with the two famous Christian translators Hunayn Ibn Ishāķ and Yahya Ibn BiţrÊk. Evidently, Damascus was a Hellenistic centre during the third, fourth and fifth century C.E.viii where Greek had become the official language of the court and administrative offices. Then, the connection between the philosophical approach in theology and Arabic linguistic was occurred in the time of Muslim golden era or might be considered before. The reason that the Arabic language was established since the prophet`s time. However, the tremendous contribution of Averroes in enhancing the ideas of Aristotle when he translated the `Categories` in his `Middle commentary on Aristotle`s categories`, thereby giving a big impact on the development of philosophical of linguistic which incline with more understanding of theology approach in the concept of one God. As it seems, the starting point in the progress of understanding Aristotle’s categories in the Middle Ages.3‒8

iiiAz‒Zubaydi. ÙabaqÉt an‒Nahwiyyina wa al‒Lughawiyyina. Tahqiq: Muhammad Abu Fadli Ibrahim. Cairo: Dar al‒Ma`rif. 1973. p. 11‒18.

ivMustafa Ahmad Abdul Al‒Alim Bahjat. Atharu al‒Aqidah Wa Ilmi al‒Kalam Fi An‒Nahwi al‒Arabi, Cairo: Dar al‒Basair; 2011. p. 37‒38.

vNational Geographic Society. Ancient Greece, Produced by National Geography Maps, Washington D.C.:USA; 1999. p. 8.

viIbn KathÊr. Al‒BidÉyah wa al‒NihÉyah. . Damascus: Dar Ibn Kathir; 1997. p. 34.

viiAhmād Amīn. Öuha al‒Islām, Cairo: Lujnah al‒Ta′līf wal Tarjamah, 1978 v.1, p.313, Mahdī al‒Makhzūmī , al‒Khalīl Ahmad al‒Farāhidī, ÑImāluhū wa manhajuhu, Beirut: Dār al‒Rāid al‒Ñarabī. 1986. p. 68.

viiiWilliam Wright. `Syriac Literature` The New Encyclopaedia of Britannica Chicago: Encyclopaedia Britannica, Inc. 1998. p. 470.

Arab antiquity: the evolution of Arabic language

The above classification further clarified that the Arabs had, from antiquity, settled in the land of peninsular Arabia. This is further evidenced by large amounts of relics found in Yemen comprising remains of places of worship, grand pillars, monuments and memorials, bracelets and armlets. In the north of Hejaz were discovered remnants of the Thamudic at the border with Syria.ix It was known that in the days of second period of Jahiliyya they had achieved a level of language regarded as par excellent over and above other known languages of the time with respect to styles, linguistic forms, meanings, structure and syntax. Their spoken words, their poetry and plays displayed the use of standard Arabic with eloquence and accent similar to the language of the Qur’an. It was not probable that Arabic became a developed language one or two centuries before Islam as claimed by some orientalists. This highly advanced level of language must have much deeper roots in early ancient times. The pertinent question at this point: What is the original source of standard Arabic that became a highly developed language one or two centuries before Islam? According to Jawad Ali, Arabic could be traced to Babylon Akkadian or other kingships of Jurhum.x By the 20th century BC Babylon reigned over the whole of Iraq and their language was regarded as Arabic.xi A.F.L Beeston was in agreement with this view as articulated in his article “the evolution of Arabic language”.9,10 He propounded that Arabic language had surpassed the languages of other nations in age.xii Arabic was already used in the commands on what was considered legal and illegal in decrees based on the laws of the Hamurabbi. The laws were well defined using appropriate expressions befitting the solemnity of the messages it contained. The evidence of this were found in engraved relics in the kingship of Susa written in the letters of the Mismarri on big pillars of black stones said to be in existence in 1800BC. The inscriptions on stones contained laws from an advanced culture. The Humurabbi was also said to have set up schools to nurture their young ones though it was said that the disciplining method employed was rather oppressive according to modern standard. It is marvelous indeed that they already set up schools in their ancient towns 4000years ago. They were known to have used stone slates where lessons for the children were inscribed consisting of exercises in arithmetic, spelling, multiplication tables etc. Search in their settlements yielded artifacts in the forms of books, wills or agreements, mathematics problems, astronomic observatory, historical texts and religious scriptures. There evidences to show their women were treated favorably. What has been established was that the kingship of Hamurabbi was an Arab kingship which could be considered as the oldest civilization on earth governed by laws and with devotion to knowledge. Over centuries their language, beliefs and thinking had undergone changes and they had also endured changes in climate during the period. It was found in comparison that the proto JÉhiliyyah and the JÉhiliyyah of the second period also shared some aspects of the core language, religion, mannerism. They were governed by shared common values in their dealings with their fellow men. The prophet Job (pbuh) had been recognized as an Arab. (Genesis: 10). The Arabs were the first in the production of poetry. The poetries in Arabic were later translated into Hebrew. This demonstrated that Arab’s venture into literature was earlier that those of Iliad and Odyssey even the Mahabharat of the Hindus.xiii

According to Jurji Zaydan the language of Hamurabbi or Akkadian provided a typical image of being Arab in the Jahiliyya age. This could be a basis to confirm that they belong to Semitic language. In the north were found relics written in their letters while the relics of Thamudic, Lahiyanic and Safawic were the relics of Arab jahili in the northern region indicating they had dwelled there since the earliest of time. Their language was very advanced with grammatical order and structure. This showed the ancient language of northern Arab settlers reached maturity long before the production of poetry by Imru al‒Qais in Mudar Arabic. The other relics were the Nabatean which was found since the 3rd century of 270AD. These comprised relics of Um al‒Jamal and also the relics Zenobia all located in the south eastern Alepo discovered in 511Ad. Also the relics of Haran in 568Ad (2011: 26).11‒15

From the point of view of Jawad Ali, these ancient people described above were Arabs both in appearance and in blood. They were born and bred in the country of the Arabs. They were not migrants from any other place anywhere else. They never had outside guests who lived with them. So they were pure Arabs and their language was untainted by any other language. Relating to the perception of Jawad Ali, it is wrong to say that the Qur’an is not in authentic Arabic. It is in pure Arabic elevated and consolidated by Islamic messages. The Arabic of the Qur’an becomes the standard language of the Arabs. Indeed, there is a claim that the ancient writings of the Arabs were written in Torah in ancient language of ancient Greeks or Latin. It is also wrong to say that the language of the Qur’an is a dialect of a tribe living in the country of the Arabs whose language became the written language of the Arabs.xiv It was known that the information contained in Mesopotamia Valley that came to be known was not fully refined or true. This was because not all orientalists were along the same path or intent in the interpreting ancient relics. It could not be denied that there were those who sincerely studied ancient relics to discover the true happenings of ancient times. Studies on discovered relics have clearly established that Arabic is the most advanced of the ancient languages. Such the translation of Epic Gilgamesh (the earliest discovered engravements) into Arabic happened much later. It is also seen that there were other advanced ancient writings identified from relics left behind by ancient civilizations shared similar features with Arabic ancient writings. Similarities in word order, grammatical structure and sound system seem to suggest that these languages were off shoots of Arabic or originally from the same ancestral stock. It can therefore be safely concluded that Arabic is the mother language of the peninsular Arabia. Also it is the language of the Semitic not as claimed by “Schlozer”. It is regretted that some orientalists tended to ignore certain findings and elevated some others, for example they regarded the writings of the Semitic as the most advanced compared to Akkadian and Semitic which had an affinity with ancient Arabic writings. The contention here is that the writing of Mismariyyah was not the most advanced writing in the ancient world, as compared to other writings; their words are seen to be similar to Arabic which could be inferred as a result of Arabic influence.

Discovery of relics left by the civilizations of Mesopotamia is an example of the fruit of diligence, concern and interest of Western archeologists and orientalists. They have worked hard to search for the relics, collect, document data and interpret them. They deserve praise for their zealous and continuing efforts. They uphold that the findings in the Mesopotamia serve as a benchmark for comparison with other ancient civilizations. On the basis of their comparison they could make plausible claims that particular ancient civilizations and languages were superior to others. This became documented sources on human development over the ages for the world to ponder and wonder. Since the orientalists were in the field earlier than others and exerted efforts in studying ancient relics what they say become accepted as true. Intentionally or inadvertently they could paint the picture of ancient civilizations to give undue credit to some civilizations and deny some others. Their presumptions therefore become the yardstick in determining which civilizations are recognized as being the forerunner in culture and language. They determine who pioneered in the creation of writing and in the production of literary works in ancient times. They could do this with confidence that their assumptions or views are correct as their knowledge of the ancient past are more comprehensive because they possess the main or major sources of information on many nations of antiquity.xv But where are the Muslims in this regard? Are we not obliged to bother and take steps to know what happened in the days earlier than the days of the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh)? Of course, without doubt Muslims had lately shown great interest to study nations of antiquity but their numbers of experts are much smaller in comparison to the others.16,17

The exposition thus far seems to confirm that Arabic is a language of antiquity and was the most advanced in comparison to languages of other civilizations existing in ancient times or pre‒history. Another interesting observation is that many ancient languages showed some semblances with Arabic in syntax, grammatical structure and sound of utterances. It can be established that they are of the same language family. In fact, in comparison there were other writings with words similar to Arabic which were more advanced and in much earlier time than the Mismariyyah. According to Beeston some findings in the form of writings of the early Furat (proto Euphrates) indicated that they lived to the south of the river Euphrates around five or four thousand years BC. This finding lend support to Jurji Zaydan opinion that peninsular Arabia belong to the Arabs and the Arabs were the ancient people who had inhabited and established their possession of the peninsular since ancient times.18

Some considered that the writing of Mismariyyah was among the most advanced in word arrangements or organization of writings because some languages of the Semitic for example Akkadian were found to be written in Mismariyyah letters. In order to put a slight on the achievements of ancient Arabs in writing some orientalists recognized that the writings of the ancient Furat (Euphrate) are superior in organization compared to the writings of the Sumerian. This point does not reduce the position of Sumerian as Furatees were also a clan of the Arabs. Jurji Zaydan is unbiased when he states that the Arabs were the most advanced nation in peninsular Arabia in ancient time. He also categorically states that the Arab peninsular belongs to the Arabs since time immemorial. Some orientalists including Zaydan though not an Arab dare to say what they believe to be true though contrary to the views of many others. This attitude among orientalists objectively seeking to know the truth is indeed praise worthy. When it concerns the affairs of Muslims who else would come up as the spoke persons for the Muslims if not the Muslim scholars? It is very encouraging now in the twenty first century Muslim scholars have been vocal on issues related to Muslims and have provided answers to clarify misinterpretations from non‒Muslim scholars in many fields of knowledge. Likewise, the views presented in this paper is also with the idea of continuing the trend of research in order to rebuttal misconceptions and incorrect interpretations with regard to ancient history touching upon language and literature related to or belonging to the Muslims.19

ixIbid, vol. 1, pp. 50‒52.

xThe Code Hamurabbi older 800years than the Old Testament.

xiMagik Khair Bik. Al‒Lughah al‒Arabiyah Juzūruhā, Intishāruhā wa Ta`Thīruhā fī As‒Sharq wa al‒Gharb. Damascus: Dār as‒Sa‘duddīn, 1992. p. 16‒17.

xiiA.F.L. Beeston & T.M. Johnstone. Takwim Fi an‒Nuqush al‒Arabiyah al‒ Janubiyah, translated by Said Ghanimi, Abu Dhabi: al‒Majma` at‒Thaqafi. 1983. p. 1‒26.

xiiiJurji Zaydan. Tarikh Adab al‒Lughah al‒Arabiyah. Kaherah: Dar al‒Hilal. 2011. p. 26.

xivJawad Ali. Al‒Mufassal fi Tarikh al­Arab Qabl al­Islam. 1976. p. 33‒34.

xvMazin Mitbaqani. Buhuth Fi al‒Istishraqi al‒ Ameriki al‒Mua`asir. Jeddah: al‒Mamlakah al‒Arabiyah as‒Saudiah Wizarat at‒Ta`kim al‒Alami. 2000. p. 7‒11, 14.

The impact of Quran in the development of Arabic grammar

The orientalist Renan (indicate time of death or century he lived in) postulated that the fully preserved original text of the Quran constituted the focal point and basis of all subsequent study of the rules of the correct Arabic grammar and syntax. It was the Arabic Quran which inspired the works of the first Arab grammarians. According to Renan, neither the use of grammatical terms nor the formulated rules show even the slightest trace of a foreign influence. He states: “And finally, concerning all the other sciences, the Arabs themselves overtly confess what they owe of them to the Greeks whereby they are convinced that their grammar is a privilege kept by God for them and one of the surest signs of the superiority they consider to be theirs over other nation”.xvi Golziher criticized Renan’s conclusions and argued: “The question is not whether grammar a particular grammatical system, had been taken over, but whether or not the Arabs arrived at their basic linguistic concepts on the grounds of which each nation contemplates the character of its language, analyses the parts of sentences and words and derives the correct usage from the data in form of rules in the absence of any foreign influence or in short are there any factors in the awakening of a grammatical awareness among the Arabs that do not originate in the life of the Arab people and their mind”?xvii What Golziher was saying is that Arabic grammar had been influenced not only by Greek grammar but also by Greek thinking. The Arabs had allegedly adopted Greek terms of linguistic concepts, the character of language, analysis of the parts of sentence, and grammatical rules. He assumed that these linguistic concepts were not directly adopted from the Greek but via Syrian which was spoken in the territories lying between Arabia and Europe. Goldziher refers to his colleague Noldeke who had already linked Arabic with Syriac.xviii The usage of Arabic short vowels had been introduced by AbË AswÉd ad‒Duali:

Hehehe raytny tall ftht fmy balhrf fanqt nqth fvqh Ali lah, von zmmt fmy fanqt nqth international Unless alhrf, Van exercise under fajl alnqth, von tbt shyya de zlk ghnh piece of fajl alnqth nqttyn ". If we accept Golziher`s views, we still need to explain the means of linguistic transmission between Basraxix and Syria. There is no doubt that the Christian world and the Muslim world met in Damascus where John of Damascus had taught. However, orientalists assumed the existence of a silent connection between the Christian and the Muslim world in the sense of direct – and strangely one‒sided ‒‒ transmission of knowledge from the West to the East. Historical sources do not suggest a relationship and exchange between ÑAli Ibn Abi Talib (karrama ‘llahu wajhah) and John of Damascus, however, Goldziher did, solely based on the fact that Islam did not prohibit such an exchange in matters other than faith, as stated in the Qur’an:

Yayha permanent alkafrvn, La Ma tbdvn bd, bd Villa blood abdvn Ma, Ma bdtm naabd Villa, Villa blood abdvn Ma bd, Dagestan us dynkm religion" Orientalist claims went so far as to suggest an external influence to the text of the Qur’an itself. Quranic revelation influenced Muslim ideas and concepts in history, science, literature and language, and continues to do so until today. The verses we do not copy or forget a vessel, it is better than it or similarxx and what comes from any of the verses of their Lord, unless they were exposed`xxi are considered timeless statements valid today as they were valid then, 1400years ago. As to any external influence, the concept of qiyÉs for example, was already practiced in the first century A.H. when most of the QurÉn readers used reason to derive new legal judgments. AbË IshÉq al‒HaÌrÉmÊ asked Farazdaq to follow the analogical system:

Receptors of the North of the Levant - Hit us * With a Canadian cotton card holder scattered

On our turbans are cast and departed * On creepy glory, brewersxxii                               

The word ` Brewers ` is considered normative style because it belongs to the sentence of xxiii Resumed. Not only Renan supported the originality of Arabic grammar and its principles, but also Noam Chomsky, a famous theoretic in language, attests that each language has its own unique history and development. The claim that a language was based directly upon another should be reexamined, because all separate human intelligences are – by fact of their nature ‒‒ familiar with the universal, yet develop their own particulars.xxiv Language or its linguistic corpus existent in the human mind cannot be limited or simply exchanged with another. The individual experiences of a linguistic community are reflected in the design and character of a language. The creation or design of language is not a static exercise, and one grammatical system cannot be simply exchanged with another.xxv

Another indicator for the originality of Arabic grammar –which the researcher has addressed in her previous researchxxvi ‒ is based on the mass of translations into Arabic which began during the Abbasid caliphate. The transfer and subsequent assimilation of knowledge occurred only after Arabic language, syntax and grammar were firmly established, and not before. Goldziher’s claim that Greek already actively influenced Arabic language in a time when Arabia was completely isolated from the main centers of civilization, cannot be upheld in earnest.20‒25

When looking at the Arabic linguistic corpus, it can be established that it had always been free from any external and foreign influences, as asserted by Ibn ‘Abbas: The first person to speak pure Arabic. As for the Arabic language of Qahtan and donkeys, it was before Ismail, peace be upon him.xxvii

Arabic as a complete and fully developed language already existed before the arrival of Prophet Ishmael (a.s.) used by the tribe QahÏÉn and HimyÉr. Arabic was the language spoken by a tribal leader called Jurhumxxviii who married the daughter of Iram/Aram, Sam`s son after the Noah’s flood, and through his offspring Arabic became the language of a great nationxxix. The offspring of Ishmael arrived and spread the use of Arabicxxx. Arabic was an original language with its unique system of grammar which was already developed thousand years before the rise of Greece. In order to faithfully reflect the transmission process of Arabic we have to concentrate on early manuscripts. Sibawayh states at this point:

This is the chapter on the course of the last words of the Arabic word, and it is conducted on eight channels: on the monument, and the traction and the lifting and the assertion and the conquest and the expulsion. And this The eight streams are combined by the word four times: the monument and the conquest in the word are one hit, and the traction and the fracture have one hit in it, as well as the lifting and the joining And assertiveness and endowment. Rather, I mentioned eight streams of a difference between what is entered into by a type of these four to what the worker talks about - and none of them except when it is removed from it and what is built upon it Construed that does not go away from it without anything more recent than that in which of the factors, for which each of them has a type of pronunciation in the letter, and that letter is the expression word "xxxiClassical Arabic had eight cases: accusative (nasab), genitive (jar), nominative (rafÑ), apocopate (jazm), a‒vowel (fath), i‒vowel (kasr), u‒vowel (Ìam) and zero‒vowel (waqf). Sibawayh divided the endings of the eight cases into four pairs: the accusative and a‒vowel, the genitive and i‒vowel, the nominative and u‒vowel, and lastly the apocopate and zero‒vowel. A word which receives different pairs because it is produced by a governor, its ending is not permanent and will be changed based on its position and use in the sentence. This system can be called the process of governing or the concept of al‒Ñamil. ShawqÊ Öaif believed this kind of rule was unique to Arabic grammarxxxii and a sufficient proof of its originality. The introduction of short‒vowel signs in written language has to be considered a separate development and does not interfere with the original syntax. Goldziher falsely claims that these additional signs were adopted from zeqÉfÉ and rebase in Syriacxxxiii who misleads his readers when he concludes that “Arabs did not develop the most basic concepts of grammar from their own genius but was taken over from the Syrian”. Syrian vowel signs did undergo several stages and followed different paths of developmentxxxiv but the terms zeqÉfÉ and rebase are only used in Syriac. Arabic grammar was not based on these additional scriptural signs but on the vowel endings which were unique and solely the creation of the Arab intellect. A change of any of these short vowels changes the meaning of a sentence and is of utmost importance. For example, the Quranic verse Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful xxxv If the letter "to" in " Versol " read with an i‒vowel" Deliver" ending, the meaning would change completely. In this case, the Prophet would be included in the group of addressed idolaters, while in fact he is addressed as being at the side of God. Another reason that the Qur’an reciters read variants of vowel endings if the changed meaning was acceptable and in accordance with Islamic precepts such as Thieves and thieves cut their hands off xxxvi This verse could be read in nominative case (Lifting), while another group of reciters preferred an a‒vowel ending (Balansab) reading The thief and the thief” in accusative position.xxxvii Other examples are ` These are two magicians xxxviii, xxxix Their children killed their partners, For those who believe and those who have calmed and the Christians and those who are righteous, and those who live in prayer and those who give Zakat xxxl .Whatever variants are preferred which change the very meaning of a verse or a part of it, the rule is that positive meaning has to be produced. SayuÏy explains as follows:و People have applied to invocation of irregular readings in Arabic if they do not violate known tenets, even if only Its contention is invoked xliGolziher wrongly assumed that no grammatical concepts could be formed before the use of vowel signs because there was hardly a grammatical function in the Arabic language which was not connected to the vowel of the words. He asserts that “this people started inventing signs for the vowels at a given time”. What he actually asserts is that the Arabs were aware of the importance of these short vowel endings and the meaning they purported, and thus introduces written signs to prevent the reading of possible variants which would alter the intended meaning. However, Goldziher concludes that “the nation whose example they followed in their writing system was the most immediate factor in the awakening of a grammatical awarenessxlii and at this point his argument falters. It had not been Syriac grammar and syntax which influenced Arabic language but Syriac had developed a system of additional signs Arab grammarians and linguists found useful and worthy to adopt. AbË al‒AswÉd asked his students to use additional symbols to signify the opening and closing of his mouth.xliii The sukun sign called Breaking points and other additional signs used in the QurÉn (u‒vowel, a‒vowel, i‒vowel and zero‒vowel) called Point of Expression were introduced in the second century A.H. by the Qur’an reciters (qura`).xliv In the same century, AbË IshÉq al‒HaÌrÉmÊ introduced qiyÉs when he tried to explain some of the versed shawÉdh by al‒Farazdaq: Some time ago, Marwan did not call * from money except a swab or a shovel. xlvThe word Shovel in reading nominative case is not correct because it should be read in accusative case for the reason of conjunction to the word before it.

xviIgnazGoldzihar. History of Grammar Among the Arabs, Volume 73, John Benjamin Publishing Company: The Netherlands. 1994. p. 5.

xviiIbid, p.5

xviiiIbid, p.7

xixThe place where Abu AswÉd became a judge.

xxAl‒Baqarah 106.

xxiYÉsÊn 46.

xxiiAs‒SÊrÉafÊ (d.368h). Al‒AkhbÉr al‒NahwiyÊna al‒BasriyÊna, edi.Muhammad IbrÉhÊm al‒Bana, Cairo: DÉr al‒ÑÊtiÎÉm. 1985. p. 44.

xxiiiIt is considered an earlier sentence.

xxivNoam Chomsky. Syntactic Structure, Syntactic Structure. The Hague: Monton Trad., p.19; Noam Chomsky. (1995). Aspect of the theory, Massachusetts: The MIT Press. 1971. p. 4.

xxvChomsky, Aspect of the theory, p.64.

xxviSee the article written by Solehah Yaacob. The Connection between Ma`ani Nahwi in Arabic And the Idea of Modistae in Latin: Historical Linguistic Analysis, International Journal of Humanities, Common Ground, Melbourne, Australia. 2008. p. 101‒109.

xxviiAl‒SuyËÏÊ. Al‒MuÐhir, ed. Fuad ÑAli MansËr, Beirut: DÉr al‒Kutub al‒ÑIlmiah, vol. 1, p. 29 `they were nine tribes of Arabs from the birth of Iram(Aram) son of Sam bin Noah they are ‘Ad, Thamud, Umaimun, Ubailun, Tasm, Judais, Imliq, Jurhum and Wabar. 1998.

xxviii Ibid, vol. 1, p. 27.

xxix See the critique of the traditions relating to Jurhum and his offspring in the book of the Dutch scholar Dozy 1864:146 and ff. (in the chapter: `De tweede Gorhoem”). see Golziher, History of Grammar Among the Arabs, p.45

xxxIbid, p.5

xxxiSibawayh. Al‒KitÉb, DÉrul al‒Kutub al‒ÑIlmiah: Beirut. 1999. p. 41.

xxxiiShawqÊ Öaif. al‒MadÉris an‒Nahwiyyah, Cairo: DÉr al‒MÑÉrif. 1995. p. 20.

xxxiiiWhen he referred to the works of the France scholar (Abbe` Martin, 1869,1872, 427‒451).See Ignaz Goldzihar, History of Grammar Among the Arabs, p.6

xxxiv Ibid, p.6

xxxv Al‒Taubah 3

xxxvi Al‒Ma’idah

xxxviiShawqÊ Öaif, al‒MadÉris an‒nahwiyah , based on the qirÉ’ah of Ibn KhÉlawayh, also called shÉz (singular), shawÉz (plural), p.24.

xxxviiiTaha, 36

xxxixAl‒An`am, 137

xlAn‒Nisa 162

xliAs‒SuyËÏÊ, Al‒IqtirÉh, p.24

xliiIgnaz Goldzihar, History of Grammar among the Arabs, p.6

xliiiSee p.11 of the article.

xlivShawqÊ Öaif, Al‒MadÉris al‒Nahwiyah, pp.16&17

xlvIbid, p.23

Conclusion

This study strongly believed that it has suggested strong evidence from published records (eg. Muslim Arabic sanÉd) that the influence of theology in Arabic linguistic occurred in respect of semantic and metaphysic understanding. The system of Arabic linguistic came from the Arab intellectuals themselves, not imported as suggested by Orientalist scholars. The above explicitly demonstrates that syntax influences the relation between the words of a given phrase, and this explanation is specifically focused on analysing the function of case endings in a sentence in Arabic. Without strong grounding in syntax, morphology and semantic the philosophy of linguistic could not elaborate on the intricacies involved and the interpretation would only be in the form of `general principle of the knowledge`. And we notice that relying on this kind of surface interpretation without the benefit of deep structure analysis would result in generalization that would pose as serious impediment to the knowledge enterprise. Then, the combination between theologians and grammarians are not a new approach but it was occurred since the prophet`s time. Hence, the exergies of the Islamic principle well interpretable. So, the claim that the relationship between the influence of philosophical theology and the Arabic linguistic field is not well upholding is refuted.

Acknowledgments

None.

Conflicts of interest

The author declares that there is no conflict of interest.

Funding

None.

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