This study, conducted in Parakou in 2021, aimed to explore women's perceptions and practices regarding colostrum administration in a context where cultural beliefs and knowledge about breastfeeding strongly influence behaviors. Using a qualitative, retrospective, and descriptive approach, data were collected through semi-structured interviews and observations in health facilities. Mothers’ testimonies highlighted their perceptions of colostrum, shaped by social, cultural, and religious factors, as well as by advice from healthcare professionals. The findings reveal significant gaps in awareness of the nutritional and preventive benefits of colostrum, although some mothers acknowledged its importance, particularly when encouraged by midwives. Despite the relatively low prevalence of systematic colostrum administration, several women expressed willingness to improve their practices if provided with better support. In conclusion, this study underscores the need to strengthen awareness and education efforts among mothers while integrating a culturally sensitive and participatory approach to promote the benefits of colostrum.

Infant and child mortality remains high in many low-resource countries, including Benin (DHS V).¹ A significant portion of this mortality is attributable to infant feeding practices, particularly the low rates of exclusive breastfeeding and early initiation of breastfeeding.^2,3 Exclusive breastfeeding for the first six months of life is recognized as one of the most effective interventions for reducing childhood morbidity and mortality.^4–6

In this process, colostrum plays a crucial role. Produced at the end of pregnancy and during the first days postpartum, this thick, yellowish fluid is rich in antibodies and essential nutrients for the newborn.⁷ It serves both as an initial immunological barrier and as a key factor in the child’s growth and development.⁷ For this reason, the World Health Organization (WHO) and the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) strongly recommend its immediate administration, followed by continued exclusive breastfeeding for the first six months of life.⁸

However, despite these recommendations, numerous studies indicate that colostrum administration remains limited, particularly in African contexts, where it is sometimes considered “impure” and discarded.⁹ These social perceptions, rooted in cultural, religious, or local beliefs, conflict with modern medical guidelines.⁹

In this context, the present study aims to describe mothers’ perceptions and practices regarding colostrum administration among newborns in the city of Parakou in 2021.

This is a qualitative, descriptive, and prospective study conducted in the city of Parakou from June 1 to October 30, 2021. Based on our sample size calculation, a minimum of 157 women was required. In total, 163 women were surveyed, corresponding to a recruitment rate of 103.82%. Participants were recruited from various health centers and hospitals within the commune using a non-probabilistic sampling method.

The primary variables studied were mothers’ perceptions of colostrum—defined as the set of representations, beliefs, and opinions expressed by mothers, collected through questions on the importance of colostrum and its cultural and religious representations—and the practice of its administration, measured by whether the newborn received colostrum, as well as the frequency and modalities of this practice. Mothers’ knowledge of colostrum was assessed based on their narratives, statements, and reflections collected during interviews. Participants’ responses regarding the importance of colostrum, its health benefits for the child, and advice received during contact with healthcare professionals were used to identify themes reflecting different levels of knowledge.

These themes were then categorized into three levels: high (detailed and well-justified explanations of the protective and nutritional role of colostrum), medium (acknowledgment of its importance without in-depth explanation), and low (absence of clear reference to the benefits of colostrum or association with negative representations).

Data were collected through guided interviews using a pre-established questionnaire and direct observations within healthcare facilities, taking care to minimize information bias by ensuring anonymity and confidentiality. Analysis involved thematic classification and grouping of responses to identify major trends.

1. Sociodemographic profile of participants

The mean age of mothers included in the study was 26.69 ± 7.53 years, ranging from 12 to 45 years. The modal age group was 20–30 years, representing 41.40% (65 women) of the sample. Most participants were married (74.85%), from rural areas (46.07%), and had a secondary level of education (26.38%). The majority belonged to monogamous households (54.60%) and reported a monthly income below 30,000 FCFA (approximately 50 USD), representing 53.99% of the sample.

The majority of women considered colostrum an essential fluid for the health of their newborns. One participant stated:

"Colostrum is very important. It is like medicine for my baby, and I do not hesitate to give it right after birth."

2. Mothers’ perceptions of colostrum

1. Importance of colostrum

When asked about the importance of colostrum, 97 women (59.51%) reported that it is indispensable for infant health. However, this perception varied according to the mothers’ level of knowledge and awareness. For example, one mother mentioned:

"I knew that colostrum was important, but I wasn’t really sure why. It was only after the midwife explained that it protects the baby from diseases that I understood."

2. Cultural and social representations of colostrum

The study revealed that 46.01% of mothers (73/163) had no precise understanding of the cultural and social significance of colostrum. This may reflect a lack of awareness regarding its benefits, as one participant reported:

"We are not told much about this in our community; it’s just what we learn at the hospital."

This gap in cultural representation may also be linked to the way information is transmitted within communities, highlighting the need to strengthen educational outreach on this practice.

3. Influence of religious beliefs

Another important dimension concerns the influence of religious beliefs. More than half of the participants (57.06%) considered colostrum to be a blessed food, important for the baby, reflecting alignment with religious prescriptions. One mother explained:

"I believe it is God’s will to give my baby everything that is good for his health, and colostrum is part of that."

This perception indicates that in some cultures, breastfeeding and colostrum administration are viewed as a religious obligation, reinforcing adherence to the practice.

3. Practices related to colostrum administration

1. Prevalence of colostrum administration

According to the study, 62.48% of women (110/163) administered colostrum to their babies after birth. Among them, 81.82% (90/110) gave the colostrum in its entirety, indicating broad adherence to this practice. One participant shared:

"Right after birth, the midwife told me to give this fluid to my baby. I followed her advice because I believe it is good for the baby’s health."

However, a substantial proportion of mothers (37.52%) did not administer colostrum, highlighting the need to explore the reasons underlying non-compliance with medical recommendations.

2. Healthcare professionals’ advice

Notably, 68.67% of women who administered colostrum reported being able to do so successfully thanks to advice received during antenatal consultations. This underscores the importance of prenatal communication and education in implementing proper breastfeeding practices. A midwife noted:

"During consultations, we emphasize the importance of giving colostrum, but some mothers remain hesitant, especially if they have not seen this practice in others."

Clearly, guidance provided during pregnancy plays a critical role in the adoption of appropriate postnatal practices.

3. Social and familial practices related to breastfeeding

Social and familial influences also shape maternal behaviors. Some women reported that their mothers or mothers-in-law advised them not to give colostrum immediately, preferring to wait to avoid what they called “excess milk.” Such social pressures indicate that cultural norms may interfere with medical recommendations, even when they are well understood.

4. Individual factors associated with colostrum perception and administration

1. Mothers’ level of knowledge

Regarding mothers’ knowledge of the importance of colostrum, 21.47% demonstrated a high level of knowledge, 45.4% had a medium level, and 33.13% had a low level. This variation may explain some hesitations or errors in colostrum administration. One mother explained:

"I knew colostrum was important, but I didn’t really know why; after discussing with the midwife, everything became clearer."

2. Religious and cultural factors influencing practices

Religious beliefs also play a key role in breastfeeding practices. According to over 57.06% of participants, colostrum administration is considered a religious duty. This finding indicates that beyond theoretical knowledge of colostrum’s benefits, the practice is deeply embedded in cultural and spiritual values, strongly influencing infant feeding behaviors.

The mean age of 26.69 ± 7.53 years, with a modal age group of 20–30 years, is consistent with similar studies showing that women of reproductive age constitute the majority of respondents in infant feeding research. Jawaid et al.,¹⁰ in a study conducted in Pakistan, observed a comparable mean age, suggesting that this demographic group is more actively involved in neonatal care. These findings confirm that young, married, rural-dwelling mothers are the most represented, which may influence their knowledge and practices. This highlights the need to tailor educational interventions to this population to improve the acceptance and practice of colostrum administration.

Although 59.91% of mothers perceive colostrum as important, 59.51% believe it does not protect against diseases. This reflects a gap in understanding the immunological benefits of colostrum. Denholm et al.,¹¹ observed a similar situation in the United Kingdom, where misconceptions about colostrum limited its appropriate administration. In contrast, targeted educational campaigns, such as those implemented by Palczynski et al.,¹² in England, demonstrated that enhancing mothers’ knowledge can positively transform their practices. Therefore, it is crucial to introduce educational programs to correct misconceptions and encourage systematic colostrum administration.

Nearly 62.42% of mothers in our study administered colostrum, with 81.63% doing so entirely, thanks to advice from midwives. These data underscore the central role of antenatal consultations. A study conducted by Gebremeskel et al., in Ethiopia reported similar results, showing that healthcare professional interventions significantly increased positive practices.¹³ However, the prevalence of 37.52% in our study remains low compared to other contexts where community-based interventions strengthen neonatal health practices. This indicates a need for greater investment in midwife training and family education.

The study also found that 57.06% of women perceive colostrum as important for religious reasons. This aligns with the findings of Jawaid et al.,¹⁰ who also observed that religious beliefs influence maternal practices, although proportions vary depending on the context. The absence of cultural prohibitions presents an opportunity to leverage these positive beliefs to promote systematic administration.

Sociological analysis of maternal behaviors regarding colostrum administration

The behaviors observed among mothers in colostrum administration can be understood through several sociological theories. Pierre Bourdieu,¹⁴ through the concept of “habitus,” helps explain how women’s dietary and health practices are deeply embedded in their social and cultural structures. Habitus, shaped by experiences and socialization within a given environment, explains why beliefs about colostrum (such as its perceived uselessness or alleged “impurities”) persist despite awareness campaigns. These representations are often transmitted across generations, forming a collective mental framework that influences maternal practices. Thus, midwives, despite their presence, struggle to transform patterns entrenched in social memory.

Émile Durkheim¹⁵ emphasized the role of collective norms and values in social cohesion. In this context, low adherence to colostrum administration can be understood as a reflection of a society where traditional norms still prevail over modern biomedical knowledge. Rural women, often embedded in strong community structures, conform to practices approved by their social milieu. Although scientifically outdated, these norms reinforce collective identity and group solidarity, making behavioral change difficult without a broader transformation of values.

Finally, Max Weber¹⁶ and his theory of social action shed light on the influence of religious beliefs on decision-making. The perception of colostrum as “beneficial” or “impure” can be interpreted as a traditional or affective action, guided by religious and emotional interpretations rather than scientific rationality. This explains why, in some cases, midwives’ recommendations are ignored when they conflict with spiritual beliefs.

These analyses demonstrate that maternal behaviors are not merely individual choices but the product of complex interactions among cultural heritage, collective values, and external influences. Transforming these practices requires a systemic approach addressing norms, education, and social structure.

The study highlights maternal behaviors deeply rooted in a social fabric where traditions, cultural values, and religious beliefs dominate health practices. These behaviors can only be understood through a comprehensive analysis of the social, economic, and symbolic interactions that structure women’s lives. The findings reveal a tension between biomedical modernity and community norms, where access to education and information remains insufficient to effect meaningful change.

Drawing on the theories of Bourdieu, Durkheim, and Weber, it appears that practices surrounding colostrum reflect a collective habitus, shaped by continuous socialization in an environment where the weight of tradition predominates. Religious and cultural norms shape perceptions, while socioeconomic inequalities limit access to educational and healthcare resources capable of disrupting these inherited patterns.

It is therefore important to emphasize that the observed behaviors are not isolated phenomena but manifestations of a complex social system in which the transmission of cultural values, economic constraints, and the interplay between science and spirituality converge to produce these practices. Understanding these dynamics requires a holistic approach that goes beyond simply imparting scientific knowledge, integrating gradual social transformation that respects local cultures and is guided by context-appropriate education.

Thus, improving maternal health practices involves redefining social and institutional priorities: strengthening educational policies, promoting cultural mediation in healthcare, and raising community awareness based on their own frames of reference. In this sense, the study goes beyond mere observation to invite collective reflection on social change, grounded in a respectful and nuanced understanding of human behaviors.

None.

None.

The authors declare that they have no conflicts of interest regarding the conduct of this study.

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